THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREVES.
MEMOIES
OF THE
LIFE AND WOKKS
OF
THE RIGHT HONORABLE AND RIGHT REV. FATHER IN GOD
LANCELOT ANDREWES, D.D.
LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTER.
BY THE
KEY. ARTHUR T. RUSSELL, B.C.L.
OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, VICAR OF WHADDON, CAMBRIDGESHIRE.
CAMBRIDGE :
FOR THE AUTHOR BY J. PALMER, SIDNEY STREET.
1860.
J. PALMER, PRINTER, SIDNEY STREET.
TO THE HONOURABLE AND REVEREND
HENRY COCKAYNE GUST, M.A.,
CANON OF WINDSOR, AND RECTOR OF COCKAYNE HATLEY IN THE COUNTY OF BEDFORD, &c.
MY DEAR SIR,
The following pages, designed as a tribute to the memory of one of the most eloquent and munificent Prelates that ever adorned the Church of England, will, I trust, form also no unfitting memorial of my grateful regard for yourself, to whose kindness I was indebted for the second Vicarage which I have held under Her Majesty's Free Chapel of St. George, Windsor. I trust it will be seen by every candid reader that my aim has been to represent the subject of this volume as he was, neither exaggerating nor depreciating his
ERRATA
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117. For Northampton read Southampton.'
158. For J^t^
" 258. For Downham Market read DownJiam.
" 380. For .Fnmm read Frances.
" 445. For Montagu read Montaigne.
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CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Andrewes at School and at the University — His College lectures on the Deca logue — His doctrines — Faith the foundation of Religion — Of the rule of Interpretation — The reason of the introduction of the New Covenant — Of the use of images and pictures in Churches — Of the Eucharist and of the applica tion of sacrificial terms to it page 1
CHAPTER II.
Andre\ves on the Fourth Commandment — Of holy places — Of the Church's deposit — Of Circumcision — Of the fear of God — Of grace — Andrewes goes into the north with the Earl of Huntingdon — Sir Francis Walsingham becomes his patron — He is made Vicar of St. Giles', Cripplegate — Preaches at the Spital in 1588 — His censure of highmindiness — His honourable notice of Augustine and Calvin — Vindication of Protestant munificence — Censure of simony and sacrilege — Of Justification — He preaches before the Queen in 1589 — Is made Prebendary of Southwell and of St. Paul's, and Master of Pembroke College — His Clerum 12
CHAPTER III.
Dr. Andrewes preaches before the Queen in Lent 1589-90 — His Lectures on the Creation and Fall— Tidal, the Puritan, 1591 — Thesis on the Oath ex officio — Of the worshipping of imaginations, 1592 — Convocation Sermon, 1593 — — Greenwood and Barrow — The Dearth of 1594. 29
CHAPTER IV.
The Lambeth Articles, 1595 — Dr. Andrewes' Review of them — He adopts the Augustinian doctrine as modified by Aquinas 48
CHAPTER V.
Dr. Andrewes' Sermon on the Love of Souls, Good Friday 1597 — Andrewes refuses two Bishoprics, 1598 — Preaches before the Queen on Ash-Wednesday. Sermon on the Eucharist — On Justification — St. Paul and St. James— On the power of Absolution — On Repentance 63
CHAPTER VI.
Andrewes' Sermon on Justification, 1600 76
I
X CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
The election at Merchant Taylors' School, 1601 — Andrewes is made Dean of "Westminster — His Sermon on giving to Caesar his due — Oversees West minster School — Preaches before the Queen for the last time in 1602 — Coronation of King James — Sermon on the Plague, 1603 — He is at the Hampton-court Conference — Is appointed a translator — His famous Good- Friday Sermon, 1604, and 1605 — He is made Bishop of Chichester. . page 84
CHAPTER VIII.
Bishop Andrewes' Sermon on Christmas Day, 1605 — King James's policy in regard to the Scotch Church — Bishop Andrewes' Sermon on the anniversary of the King's Ascension, 1606 — His commendations of the King — Sermon on Easter Day — Of Whit- Sunday — On the sovereignty of the Holy Spirit's operations — Sermon at Greenwich before King James and the King of Denmark — His notice of the Jesuits — The Scotch Conference and Sermons at Hampton-court — Bishop Andrewes' Sermons on the right of Kings to call Councils — On 5th November — On Christmas Day — Of the merits of Christ — Sermon on Easter Day, 1607 — On being doers of the Word — Sermon at Romsey on 5th August — On 5th November at Whitehall — On Christmas Day on the mystery of Godliness — On Easter Day, 1608 — On Whit-Sunday — At Holdenby on August 5 — Consecration of Bishop Neile — Dr. John King, Bishop of London 155
CHAPTER IX.
Plots of the Papists against King James — The King treats them favourably — Duplicity of Pope Clement VIII. — Watson's conspiracy — The Gunpowder Plot — Grounded on the Pope's Breves — The plot referred to the Pope for his opinion — Garnet fearful lest he should encourage recourse to arms — Greenwell and Hall — Garnet — Lingard's plea for Garnet — Concealment of sins not yet perpetrated formerly not allowed under the plea of confession — Martin del Eio — Abstraction of documents from the State Paper Office — Abbot's Anti- logia — Not the Jesuits alone to be blamed — Oath of allegiance — The King's Premonition to Christian Princes and States — His Confession of Faith — His dissertation on Antichrist . . 175
CHAPTER X.
Bishop Andrewes' " Tortura Torti"— Of the Pope's deposing power — Of excom munication — Of binding and loosing — The Bulls against Queen Elizabeth — The words of Commission — The Gunpowder Plot undertaken only from blind zeal — Origin of recusancy — Sacrilegious nature of Romish worship — Rome Babylon — Lord Balmerino — The First General Lateran no Council — Pope Innocent III. — Uncertainty of the doctrine of the Papal supremacy — His torical accusations against the Church of Rome — Assassination of Henry III. — Bellarmine's contradictions — Image- worship — Fisher and More 205
CONTENTS. XI
CHAPTEE XI.
Andreses translated to Ely, 1609 — Bishop Heton — Bishop Harsnet — Christmas • — Easter, 1610 — Andrewes at Holdenby in August — Consecration of the Scottish Bishops — J. Casaubon — Andrewes' Responsio page 230
CHAPTEE XII.
Archbishop Abbot — Bishops Buckeridge and Thompson — Isaac Casaubon, Car dinal Perron, and King James — Christmas 1611 247
CHAPTEE XIII.
The Version of 1611— Dr. Gell— Bishop Marsh— Luther— Tyndale— Coverdale — Cranmer's Bible— Geneva Bible— Dr. Whitaker on the Old Testament— Tregelles — Matthsei — Valla's Collations — Complutensian New Testament — Erasmus — Stephens — His MSS. of the New Testament — Beza 268
CHAPTEE XIV.
Easter 1612 — Andrewes a Governor of the Charterhouse — His speech concerning Vows — His Whitsunday Sermon — Ordination at Downham — His 5th of November Sermon — And on Christmas-day — Casaubon's Answer to Cardinal Perron — Dr. Collins . . .... 350
CHAPTEE XY.
Casaubon — Daniel Heyn — Andrewes' Comparison of the Churches of England and Rome— Whitsunday Sermon, 1613— The two Sacraments— The Nullity — Divine Right of Kings — Easter-day Sermon, 1614 — Rev. Norwich Spack- man — The Earl of Northampton — Of the Royal anointing — Of the Jesuits — Archdeacon Wigmore — Andrewes' Sermon on the name Immanuel .... 364
CHAPTEE XVI.
Bishop Andrewes with the King at Cambridge, 1615 — His Easter Sermon — Bishop Wren — Andrewes' Sermon on our Lord's Baptism — Dr. John Bois, Prebendary of Ely — Bishop Andrewes' Sermon on the 5th of November — Dr. Balcanqual — Bishop Andrewes' Sermon on Micah v 395
CHAPTEE XVII.
Cosin — Drusius — Whitsunday, 1616 — The King at Burleigh-on-the-Hill — Andrewes a Privy Councillor — Thomas Earl of Arundel — Amner — Beale — The King's Progress to Scotland — Andrewes at Durham, 1617 424
xii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XYIII.
The King's progress to Scotland — Whitsunday 1617 — Carey and Laud — Grotius " De Imperio Sununarum Potestatum circa Sacra" — Felton, Bishop of Bristol page 436
CHAPTER XIX.
Andrewes and Grotius, 1618 — Condemnation of Traske — Peter du Moulin — Dr. Preston — Andrewes translated to Winchester — Christmas 1619 — The King at Farnham, 1620 — Consecration of St. Mary's Chapel near Southampton Tilenus ., ..451
CHAPTER XX.
Bishop Andrewes preaches at the opening of Parliament 1621 — His Sermon upon Fasting — Upon St. John xx. 17. — Whitsunday — Archbishop Abbot's calamity — Andrewes befriends Abbot — Entertains Junius and Doublet at Farnham — Dr. Thomas Goad 473
CHAPTER XXI.
Bishop Andrewes' Sermon on Hypocrisy— The Archbishop of Spalatro — The King's Letter to Preachers — William Knight — Disputes on Predestination at Cambridge — Junius: — Andrewes' Christmas Sermon on the Wise Men. . 481
CHAPTER XXII.
Easter, 1623 — Cluverius — Bishop Andrewes foresees the coming dangers The
Isle of Jersey t § 438
CHAPTER XXIII.
Bishop Andrewes on Repentance and Fasting— Andrewes and Neile on the King's Prerogative— Meric Casaubon— The death of King James— Modera tion of Andrewes— Fast Service— Richard Montagu— Death of Andrewes 494
THE LIFE OF
LANCELOT ANDKEWES, D.D.
LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTER.
CHAPTER I.
Andrewes at School and at the University — His College Lectures on the Decalogue — His doctrines — Faith the foundation of Religion — Of the rule of interpretation — The reason of the introduction of the New Covenant — Of the use of images and pictures in Churches — Of the Eucharist , and of the application of sacrificial terms to it.
LANCELOT ANDREWES was bom A.D. 1555, in Thames- street, in the parish of Allhallows, Barking, London, of religious parents, who, besides his education, left him a fair estate which descended to his heir at Eawreth, a little village between Chelmsford and Rayleigh.1 His father Thomas in his latter time became one of the Society and master of Trinity House, and was descended of the ancient family of
i Morant professes that lie was unable to discover what this property was. (Morant's Essex, vol. i. p. 286.) But he informs us that the manors of Mal- greffs or Malgraves, in the parish of Horndon, and of Goldsmiths in that of Langdon, were in this family. Langdon and Horndon-on-the-Hill are between Billericay and Tilbmy. " Anne daughter of Mr. Thomas Andrews, citizen of London, brought it to her husband Thomas Cotton, of Conington, in Cambridge shire." This Anne must have been the bishop's niece. Her only daughter Frances married Dingley Ascham, Esq. (Ibid. pp. 218, 247.) Note in p. iii. Andrewes' Minor Works. (Oxford, J. H. Parker, 1854.) In the register of Newton, near Bury St. Edmund's, there occurs, "Bebecca daughter of "William Andrewes, gent, of Bury, was buried 22 Nov. 1582." This family bore the same arms with the bishop. They were dispersed over Hampshire, Suffolk, and London ; and perhaps of this family was Sir Henry Andrewes, of Lathbury, near Newport Pagnel, in Buckinghamshire.
2 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
the Andrewes in Suffolk. Lancelot was early sent to the Coopers' Free School, KatclifF, in the parish of Stepney. This school was founded in the reign of Henry the Eighth by Nicholas Gibson, grocer, who in 1538 served the office of Sheriff. It was intended for the education of sixty children of poor parents, under a master and usher, and to it were attached an almshouse and chapel. Here Andrewes was placed under Mr. Ward, who, discovering his abilities, per suaded his parents to continue him at his studies and to destine him to a learned profession. His young scholar did not prove unmindful of his kindness, but when raised to the see of Winchester, promoted his son Dr. Ward to the living of Bishop's Waltham.1 At this place, which is a small market-town ten miles north-east of Southampton, the Bishops of Winchester had a residence from the time of Bishop Henry de Blois, brother of king Stephen. This place was the favorite resort of the famous Wykeham. The palace was destroyed in the civil wars.2 From Mr. Ward Andrewes was sent to the celebrated Richard Mulcaster, then master of Merchant Taylors' School.3 Mulcaster was a strict disci plinarian, having been trained under the stern Udal at Eton. Thence he went to King's College, Cambridge, in 1548, but removed to Oxford, where his learning was so highly esteemed that in 1561 he was appointed the first master of Merchant
1 Dr. Ward was also Fellow of Queens' College, Cambridge, and Prebendary of Cbichester. Bishop Andrewes probably collated him to the latter.
2 " Little now remains but a part of the wall, overgrown with ivy, and the park is converted into a farm. The stews for keeping fish for the use of the house are still in being ; and against a wall near the ruins is an ancient pear- tree, said to have been planted by "William of Wykeham, who is said to have expended 30,000 marks in repairing and enlarging this mansion." — Cruttwell's Tour, §c., 1801, vol. ii. p. 162.
3 Bishop Andrewes left his son Peter a legacy of £20. Of Mulcaster Isaacson records that Andrewes ever reverently respected him during his life, in all companies, and placed him at the upper end of his table, and after his death caused his picture (having but few other in his house) to be set over his study door. He was of a wealthy family in Cumberland, who, in the time of William Rufus, had the charge of defending the border-countries from the Scots. He was the son of William Mulcaster, Esq., who resided during the former part of his life at Carlisle, and whose pedigree occurs in notices of Surrey Descents, amongst the uncatalogued MSS. of Dr. Rawlinson at Oxford. (Gent. Mag. vol. Ixx. p. 420.)
THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES. 3
Taylors' School, which was founded in that same year by the munificent Sir Thomas White. Here Mulcaster con tinued until 1596, and was appointed master of St. Paul's School, from which he was preferred by the Queen to the rich rectory of Stanford Kivers, near Ongar, 1598. In 1609 he was deprived by death of a beloved wife, with whom he had lived happily fifty-six years. He did not long survive, but died April 15, 1611. Amongst Andrewes7 contemporaries at Merchant Taylors' were Giles Thompson, afterwards Bishop of Gloucester,1 Thomas Dove, afterwards Bishop of Peterborough,2 and Ralph Hutchenson, who was president of St. John's College, Oxford, from 1590 to his death, January 17, 1605. On his leaving Merchant Taylors' School in 1571, Andrewes was entered at Pembroke College, Cambridge. On 9th September in this same year Dr. Thomas Watts, of Christ's College, Cambridge, (who in 1560 was appointed archdeacon of Middlesex, in the place of the venerable Alexander Nowell,) being then prebendary of Totenhale in St. Paul's, and in 1571 also dean of Bocking, founded seven scholarships at Pembroke College, called Greek scholarships.3 The four first scholars upon this foundation were Andrewes and Dove, Gregory Downhall, and John
1 Dr. Giles Thompson was also a native of the metropolis. He was sent from Merchant Taylors' School in 1571 to University College, Oxford, and was elected thence to a fellowship at All Souls in 1580. He served the office of Proctor in 1586, and was appointed Divinity Eeader at Magdalene College. Queen Elizabeth made him one of her chaplains, and in 1602 Dean of Windsor. He had a considerable hand in preparing the present version of the New Testa ment, and succeeded Dr. Parry in the see of Gloucester in 1611, but died the following year.
2 Dr. Dove being an eloquent preacher was made Dean of Norwich in 1589, and raised to the see of Peterborough in 1601. There he continued till his death, August 30, 1630. He was about the same age with Andrewes.
3 Sir John Harrington relates that Sir Francis Walsingham, the same " great councillor of those times who procured Andrewes a prebend in Paul's," gave him a "liberal exhibition." (Brief View of the State of the Church of England, p. 141. Lond. 1652.) Whether this refers to his own liberality towards Andrewes at the University, or to his having perhaps brought him into the notice of his other patrons, Price and Watts, does not appear. It is most probable that Sir Francis Walsingham contributed out of his own purse to his support at the University. He resided in the immediate vicinity of Andrewes' parents, in Seething-lane, communicating with All Hallows, Barking.
4 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
Wilford. About the same time Andrewes was, with Dove, Wilford, and William Plat, appointed to a scholarship in Jesus College, Oxford, at the request of the founder, by Queen Elizabeth. It would appear that he was nominated to a scholarship at Oxford previously to his admission, or at least residence, at Cambridge. He left Merchant Taylors' School on St. Barnabas Day, June 11, 1571, and the royal charter of foundation whence Jesus College dates its institution, is dated 27 June, 13 Eliz. 1571. By this charter Dr. Hugh Price, or Ap Rice, (LL.D., of Oxford, 1525, and supposed to have been educated at Oseney Abbey), Treasurer of St. David's, was permitted to settle estates on the said college to the yearly value of £160., for the sustentation of eight fellows and eight scholars, all appointed in the first instance, according to Dr. Price's mind, by Queen Elizabeth.1
" What he did when he was a child and a schoolboy, it is not now known," says his grateful biographer Isaacson, " but he hath been sometimes heard to say, that when he was a young scholar in the University, and so all his time onward, he never loved or used any games or ordinary recreations, either within doors, as cards, dice, tables, chess, or the like ; or abroad, as bats, quoits, bowls, or any such ; but his ordinary exercise and recreation was walking either alone or with some companion with whom he might confer and recount his studies." To the last he took great delight in those meditations that are, as it were, inspired by the beholding of the works of God.
His custom was, after he had been three years at the University, (when he took his degree of B.A. in 1574-5,) to come up to London once a year to visit his parents, always about a fortnight before Easter, and to stay with them about a month, never intermitting his studies. And, until he was a bachelor of divinity, he even used to perform these journies on foot.
In October 1576 he was chosen to a fellowship at his college, and Dove, the unsuccessful candidate, was continued as a tanquam-socius by a liberality not unusual in those
i Memorials of Oxford, by Dr. Ingram, President of Trinity College.
THE LIFE OP BISHOP ANDREWES. 5
times. In 1578 he took the degree of M.A.1 In 1580 he was ordained, and the same year his name appears in the College books as Junior Treasurer. In 1581 he was Senior Treasurer, and on July 11 was incorporated M.A. of the University of Oxford, on the same day with William Pember- ton of Christ College, afterwards the incumbent of High Ongar.2
After he had been some time Master of Arts he was appointed catechist in his college, and read his lectures upon the decalogue at the hour of catechising (three in the after noon) every Saturday and Sunday ; and such was his repu tation as a student and a divine, that many came to the chapel, now (since the chapel founded by Bishop Wren) the College library*; and these not only from other colleges, but even from the country. So report both his biographer Isaacson and Jackson the editor of these very lectures. They were put forth from notes in 1642, and entitled, The Moral Law expounded; and in the same volume were reprinted his Sermons on the Temptation in the Wilderness, and on Prayer. The lectures were a second time edited in 1650, and again in 1675, in a comparatively modern style, and with many enlargements and additions. The edition of 1675 is by no means so accurately printed as that of 1642. Of the sub stance of the work there can be no doubt that it is the production of our prelate. John Jackson the first editor was probably one of the Assembly of Divines, Preacher of Gray's Inn and of the University of Cambridge.3 Sparke was a Puritan, and has introduced his own likeness in an en graving of Laud's Trial.
We have witnessed in our own times an extreme jealousy of all summaries of the Gospel. Not so Bishop Andrewes, who, in his introduction to these lectures, observes, in defence of catechising by the help of summaries, that " our Saviour catechising Nicodemus made an epitome or abridgement of the Gospel under one head: So God loved the world, that He gave His only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth on Him might not perish, but have everlasting life."4
1 In this year Dr. Fulke was made master of Pembroke College.
2 See Wood's Fasti, vol. i. p. 219.
3 Hid. p. 279. 4 p. 4, ed. 1642. p. 5, ed. 1675.
6 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
After an introduction vindicating the practice of cate chising, Andrewes proceeded to speak of the spirit in which the catechized should come to this exercise; and in this, which forms the second chapter, the later is more copious than the earlier edition. But both appear to be taken from notes, and neither can claim to be the original, for each edition possesses its peculiar marks of the style and learning of our author. In the third chapter the catechist proves with great variety of classical and patristical illus tration, that true happiness is to be found only in God. Then he proceeds to shew that the surest way to come unto God is by faith. Nor is there fear of credulity when we believe God, who neither can deceive nor be deceived. Now faith is grounded, says Andrewes, upon the word of God, though published and set forth by man.1 We cannot come to God by reason, for God transcends reason, nor can we know anything of the essences of things. And as to credulity, the endless differences of philosophers upon the nature of the chief good shew that the uncertainty of the way of reason is most favorable to credulity. And so in the things of common life there is likewise frequent and inevitable necessity for faith.2
But faith doth not exclude reason as corroborative of revelation. So St. Paul appeals to natural reason in the first chapter of his Epistle to the Romans. And, adds our catechist, " having thus submitted ourselves to belief, and strengthened it with reason, we must look for an higher teacher. For though faith be a perfect way, yet we being imperfect walk imperfectly in it ; and therefore in those things which transcend nature and reason, we must believe God only, and pray to Him, that by the inspiration of His Holy Spirit, we may be directed and kept in this way." And " because this inspiration cometh not all at once at the first, we must grow to perfection by little and little, and come up by degrees till it please Him to send it in full measure to us. He that believeth shall not make haste."3
Excellently then does he treat of the proofs of the being
i p. 20, ed. 1675. 2 p. 21.
THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDKEWES. 7
of a God, especially from the existence of moral sentiments and of a conscience in man.1 Next are summed up the proofs of a particular providence, in which chapter he affirms the principle, that God is his own end, and that he wills all things for his own honour.2 Then follow very elaborate discourses upon Heathenism, Judaism, Mahometanism, and the evidences of Christianity. He then proceeds to treat of the rule of interpretation, and does not, as do some who make use of his name, treat the Scriptures as practically useless until a meaning is assigned to them out of the Fathers or by the Church. He does not refer us either to the one or to the other as the rule of interpretation, but will have us seek the literal meaning of each passage, consult the text in the original tongues, compare Scripture with Scripture, learn the intent of those expressions or idioms that are peculiar to Scripture, as the crucifying of the flesh, the mortifying of concupiscence, &c. ; consider the scope of the passage, as, what was God's intent in setting down the law, in giving a prophecy, in working a miracle, &c., as St. Paul to Timothy reasoneth from the end of the law, against those that made evil use of the law; and lastly, have regard to the context. These rules he prefaces with a quotation from St. Augustine, " Let us ask by prayer, seek by reading, find out by meditation, taste and digest by contemplation."
It may be observed that in this part of the lectures we meet with a very plain proof that the latter edition was not taken from the bishop's own manuscript, and that it does not deserve the high commendation it gives itself in the titlepage. Thus in p. 54 we read (Rule) 4. " To be acquainted with the phrase of the Holy Ghost, and this is to be gotten by the knowledge of the dialect, idiom, or style of the Holy Spirit, as the apostle speaks, by use to discern it, 'as the crucifying of the flesh, mortifying the concupiscence, &c., for sometimes the Holy Ghost in Greek sends us to the Holy Ghost in Hebrew.'1'' This abrupt transition and incausal connection is not found in the earlier edition, which runs thus : tl 4. The knowledge of the Holy Ghost's phrase, i. e. idiom, dialect, or style : for the 1 p. 28, ed. 1675. p. 33, ed. 1642. 2 p. 33.
8 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDRE WES.
Holy Ghost useth divers idioms that are not to be found in other writers ; as, the crucifying of a man's flesh, the mortify ing of his concupiscence, &c. Therefore we must be perfect in these ; and as Heb. 5, ver. last, have our senses exercised, that we may know the Holy Ghost when he speaketh. Often we shall meet with TOVT earl ^eOep^vevofjievoVj this is being interpreted; the Holy Ghost in Greek referreth us to the Holy Ghost in Hebrew."1
The second editor has endeavoured to incorporate his own with Bishop Andrewes' doctrine. It is to be observed more over, that whereas the larger additions to the author are dis tinguished as such by the editor, he has also inserted glosses and limitations which are indeed put in italics; but neither are these the only additions, for it is owned in the preface that there are some additions left by mistake in the same character with the rest.2 Very remarkable is our author's reason for the introduction of the new covenant ; it is in perfect harmony with the great principle of his theology, that God is all in all : "The reason of this second covenant was, that now Adam having lost his own strength by breach of the first, all power and strength should be new from God in Christ, and all the glory be given to him. For if Adam had stood by his own strength in the first, howsoever God should have had most glory, yet Adam should have had some part thereof for using his strength well and not abusing it when he might, but kept his standing. But that God might have all the glory, he suffered the first covenant to be broken, and permitted man to fall, for which fall he was to make satisfaction, which he could not do but by Christ, nor perform new obedience but by the grace of God preventing us, and making us of unwilling willing, and of unable able to do things in that measure that God will require at our hands."3 He discourses of the order that should be observed in preaching. He will have the law preached first because by it alone men are humbled ; then he will have them brought to that covenant by which they can be saved.
1 p. 68. 2 The last page but one in the Preface, ed. 1675.
3 p. 60, ed. 1675. p. 72, ed. 1642.
THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES. 9
In his l traces of the moral law amongst the heathen' he notices their observance of the number seven as the number of rest, and the number most pleasing to the gods, and their practice of mourning seven days, of naming their children on the seventh day, &C.1
Under the exposition of the first commandment are most learnedly and piously treated all the religious affections, faith, hope, love, humility, patience, reverence ; also prayer, thanks giving, obedience, integrity, and perseverance ; and their con traries, unbelief, despair, pride, love of the world, self-love, &c.
Under the second commandment he derives the use of pictures in churches from the Gnostics in Irenasus,2 and gives the four causes of the introduction of images, condemning it at the same time as the beginning of great abuses. These causes are the policy of heretics aiming by their imitation of the heathen to conciliate them ; secondly, desire to preserve the memory of the dead ; so the people had the likeness of Malesius, Bishop of Constantinople, in their rings, and in their houses. Thirdly, wealth, by reason of which they de sired to please their eyes and to have their churches as rich as themselves. Lastly, the idleness, absence or ignorance of their pastors. tl Paulinus, Bishop of Nola in Campania, having occasion to travel into Syria and Egypt, and having none to preach to his people till his return, thought good (because he would have something to teach them in his absence) to paint the whole history of the Bible on the walls of his church, so that their preachers were none other but painted walls. But this is no way to be commended in him, and the effect proved accordingly. For it fell out that for want of better teachers the people became ignorant, and be cause their pastors became but dumb images, therefore dumb images became their pastors."3
Our author charges upon the second council of Nice the paying supreme worship to images themselves. The later
1 p. 66.
2 Hccr. B. i. cc. 24, 27. And see Letter 2 (p. 37) of Philalethes Cantab,, the late Bp. Kaye's Reply to the Travels of an Irish Gentleman in search of a Re ligion. 1834.
3 p. 200, ed. 1675.
10 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDRE WES.
editor of his lectures inserts a correction, affirming that the council was misrepresented to the councils of Frankfort and Paris. But the reader will find this point fully treated of in Bishop Stillingfleet upon the Idolatrous Practices of the Romish Church* and Andrewes fully justified.
Under this commandment Andrewes discourses of all the parts of divine worship, preaching, prayer, thanksgiving, sacraments, and discipline. " St. Paul," he tells us, " not only preached, but made it an ordinance of God, to save them that believe."2 Upon the sacraments and discipline the later is far more copious than the earlier edition, which, from its extreme brevity, was probably taken from notes very defective them selves upon these particulars. If this part of the work be our author's, he decides that children are believers " by their godfathers and godmothers and parents who present them and desire to have them baptized in the faith of Christ." The sacrifice of the Eucharist he does not make a repetition of Christ's sacrifice, but an oblation of ourselves to God and a sacrifice of thanksgiving. The only other sense in which our author ever calls the Lord's Supper a sacrifice is as a commemoration of Christ's sacrifice. He disclaims in his Easter-day Sermon for A.D. 1612, the application of the term sacrifice in the strict and literal sense. He saith, " by the same rule that theirs [the passover] was, by the same may ours be termed a sacrifice. In rigour of speech neither of them : for (to speak after the exact manner of divinity) there is but one only sacrifice veri nominis properly so called ; that is Christ's death, and that sacrifice but once actually performed at his death, but ever before represented in figure, from the beginning; and ever since repeated, in memory, to the world's end." And a little after, in the same sermon : lt So it was the will of God, that so there might be with them a continual foreshewing, and with us a con tinual shewing forth the Lord's death till He come again. Hence it is, that what names theirs carried, ours do the like, and
1 A. Discourse concerning the Idolatry Practised in the Church of Home, $c., by Edward Stillingfleet, D.D. Lond. 1671, pp. 79—89.
2 1 Cor. i. 21.
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the Fathers make no scruple at it ; no more need we." We do not find here that theological confusion of language which would lead us to suppose that the Eucharistic elements them selves were a sacrifice available to the forgiveness of sins; a confusion into which those have fallen perhaps unwittingly, yet really, who have sought to make of the Eucharist a real sacrifice and not a commemoration of a sacrifice. These contend for a real; Bishop Andrewes, Bishop Jewel, Bishop Bilson for a figurative sacrifice, a memorial of Christ's death, in which the offerers were as much the people as the priests ; so Bishop Bilson : " Christ is offered daily but mystically, not covered with * qualities and quantities of bread and wine, for those be neither mysteries nor resemblances to the death of Christ: but by the bread which is broken, by the wine which is drunk, in substance creatures, in signification sacra ments, the Lord's death is figured and proposed to the communicants, and they for their parts, no less people than priests, do present Christ hanging on the Cross to God the Father, with a lively faith, inward devotion, and humble prayer, as a most sufficient and everlasting sacrifice for the full remission of their sins and assured fruition of His mercies." And again, he explains Peter Lombard in his fourth book and twelfth distinction, saying, " Christ is offered in a sacrament," by these words, u that is, his offering is represented, and a memory of his passion celebrated." And so Dr. Field (who has nevertheless been alleged to prove the doctrine of Johnson, Hickes, and their followers) sums up all in this, " The sacrifice of the altar is only the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, and a mere representation and commemoration of the sacrifice once offered on the Cross."1 Equally careful is Buckeridge, Bishop of Ely, to guard against all idea of a real external sacrifice, denying in plain terms that the Eucharist is an external proper sacrifice.2
1 Field's Book of the Church, p. 220. Ed. 3d. Oxf. 1635.
2 Discourse concerning Kneeling, 1618.
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CHAPTER II.
Andreives on the Fourth Commandment — Of holy places — Of the Church's deposit — Of Circumcision — Of the fear of God — Of grace. — Andrewes goes into the north with the Earl of Huntingdon — Sir Francis JValsingham becomes his patron — He is made Vicar of St. Giles', Cripplegate — Preaches at the Spital in 1588 — His censure of highmindedness — His honourable notice of Augustine and Calvin — Vindication of Protestant munificence — Censure of simony and sacrilege — Of Justification — He preaches before the Queen in 1589 — Is made Prebendary of Southwell and of St. Paul's, and Master of Pembroke College — His Clerum.
IN the sixth chapter our author exposes the excuses of the Romanists in regard of image-worship, and herein follows the very same course that is taken in the Homily upon Peril of Idolatry. In his exposition of the fourth commandment he observes that men would probably have neglected worship altogether, "if God had not provided a particular day for himself and settled it by a special commandment ; as we see in those that talk of a perpetual Sabbath, who come at length to keep no day at all." His judgment did not suffer him to be led away with the presumptuous folly of those who dis covered that, Adam had no need of a Sabbath. He regarded the fourth commandment as partly moral and partly cere monial, which appears to be virtually admitted by Bishop White himself, who says that "the common and natural equity of the commandment is moral."1 Andrewes derives the Lord's Day, with St. Augustine, from Holy Scripture;
1 Treatise of the Sabbath Day, p. 90. Lond. 1636.
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this is the day that the Lord hath made. And so St. Athana- sius affirms that u the Lord changed the Sabbath to the Lord's Day."1 " So," observes our author, "though the Sabbath or seventh day from the creation be ceased, yet there is another day still remaining, because the end of keeping a day is immutable from the beginning, to wit, that God might be honoured by a solemn and public worship." But the whole of this subject is more fully considered and more accurately recorded in his Lectures preached in St. Paul's: "Of all the days in the week we shall see the seventh day to be the fittest to retain and keep in memory the commendation of this benefit and work of creation. When God had performed this great work of creation, he took order also, because it was the greatest benefit which as yet the world had or knew of, that the seventh day should be always had in remembrance, be cause he had fully perfected all the work in it ; and the very same reason which made the Jews' Sabbath on the seventh day, doth now also move Christians to keep it on the first day in the week ; for it is God's will that the lesser benefit should surcease and give place to the greater, Jer. xxiii. 7, and that the benefit of creation as the lesser, should yield and give place to the work of redemption, which is the greater benefit."2 But the Sabbath of Sinai, adds our author, had three other accessory ends : first, political, which was bodily rest, Exod. xxiii. 12; secondly, ceremonial, that is commemorative of the creation, and typical of Christ's rest in the grave, of our rest from sin, and of eternal rest in heaven: thirdly, an end peculiar to the Jews, the commemorating of their deliverance out of Egypt, Deut. v. 15 ; wherefore the Jews say that they have a double right and interest in the Sabbath.
In regard of the sanctifi cation of the day, he condemns all labor, pastimes, journeyings, and such agricultural works as are forbidden in Exodus xxxiv. 21, bounding these rules by that of our Saviour, God will have mercy and not sacrifice.
The eighth chapter treats of the duty of fasting, a duty
1 Treatise of the Sabbath Day, p. 78. Lond. 1636. And see Forbesii Theo- Moralis, 1. 4, c. 2, § 6. Op. t. i. p. 79.
2 Apospasmatia Sacra, or Orphan Lectures, p. 134. Lond. 1657.
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unhappily for the most part altogether neglected, or magnified as an end instead of a way to an end.
Again, if the love of ease will condemn fasting, so the love of money will as easily condemn all care of the house of God as superstitious. But justly does our author satirize this desecrating sort of religion. " The Sabbath is the day of rest, and when we hallow it, we call it the Lord's rest. So Psalm cxxxii. 14, we see the Lord will give the same name to the place, This is my rest ; concerning which, as the Apostles took order, as that the exterior part of God's worship might be performed decently and in order ; so on the other side, that the place of God's worship should be so homely and so ordered, that the table of the Lord's Supper where, one saith well, the dreadful mysteries of God are celebrated, were fitter to eat oysters at, than to stand in the sanctuary of the Lord ; this is so far from pomp that it is far from decency. And it is a thing that would be thought of: it is not the weightier matter of the law, yet not to be neglected. As our working, travelling, &c. shew that we esteem not that day, so the walls and windows shew that we are not esteemers of his sanctuary."1
From holy things he proceeds to treat of 'holy persons, and of that power which is in the law of God alone to hold communities together by checking those sins that cannot, from their very nature, be restrained by human enactments ; sins which nevertheless have been the destruction of empires. Here he speaks of the great mischief which the corruption of law and oppressive delays, &c. had brought upon our own country.2
In the later edition, which is much more ample upon the subject of ceremonies than the earlier, having a whole page by way of introduction which that has not, Andrewes calls the Scriptures, the volume of both covenants, the depositum committed to the Church.3
Circumcision he calls here and elsewhere a sacrament^ affirming that to the sacraments of circumcision and of the passover succeeded baptism and the Lord's Supper.4
1 p. 357, ed. 1642. * p. 303, cd. 1675. 3 p. 210. * p. 265.
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Of the fear of God lie saith, tl The reason why though we may and ought to obey God out of love, yet it hath pleased him to command fear, is threefold: 1. to overthrow the vain speculation of some erroneous people, that dream of an absolute perfection in this life. The wise man saith, Blessed is the man that feareth alway. And either there is no perfection in this life, or fear is superfluous; he that cannot fall need not fear. 2. Inasmuch as the children of God often feel in themselves a feebleness in faith, a doubt in hope, coldness in prayers, slowness in repentance, and weakness in all the other duties, in some more, in others less, according to the measure of the Spirit communicated to them, as it was in king David ; therefore fear is necessary to recover them selves, and he that loseth it not, his heart shall never be hardened, nor fall into mischief. Though all other duties fail, yet if fear continues, we shall never need to despair. 3. Because the excellent duty of love, the effect of fear, might not fail and grow careless. In the Canticles the spouse fell asleep with her beloved in her arms, and when she awoke her beloved was gone : in her bed she sought him but found him not. So that if there be not a mixture of fear with love, it will grow secure and fall asleep and lose her beloved. Therefore that we may be sure to keep our love awake, when we think we have Christ in our arms, there must be a mixture of fear with it. So for these three reasons fear is necessary, even for them that think themselves in a perfect state. And withal Solomon tells us, the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom : so did his father before him. And the same Solomon concludes his book of the Preacher with, Fear God and keep his commandments, for this is the end of all and the whole duty of man. And in another place he saith, The fear of the Lord is the fountain of life to avoid the snares of death. As faith is the beginning of Christian religion, as the first principles in every science are of things to be believed, so is fear the first work or beginning of things to be done : and as servile fear is the first work, so a reverend and filial fear is the last work and conclusion of all things."1
i pp. 124, 125.
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He thus speaks of the grace of God. tl As Nebuchad nezzar ascribed the building of great Babel to his own power, and made his own glory the end of it ; so, on the contrary, we also say of hope, it makes God the author of all the good it looks for, and makes His glory the end of all. For first, it makes us go out of ourselves and trust only in God, and wholly rely upon Him as the sole efficient cause of good to us. We must wholly depart out of ourselves • we must not conceive that there is any sufficiency in ourselves, but that all our sufficiency is of God, not so much as to think a good thought, therefore much less to have a will to do it; but that it is God that works the velle [willing] and consequently the perficere [perfecting] both the will and the deed in us. We must not ascribe any part or help to ourselves : for our Saviour saith, Without Me ye can do nothing. Upon which place St. Augustine noteth, it is " not any great thing, but nothing at allj and not that we can perfect nothing, but do nothing at all. And as it makes God the cause and first beginning, so the last end too, by giving the glory of his graces in us to him : and the reason is plain in the Apostle, That no flesh should glory in his presence, but as it followeth, that he that glorieth should glory in Him. (\ Cor. i.)"1
The same pious doctrine is contained and vindicated very fully in his sermon upon 2 Cor. iii. 5, Not that we are sufficient of ourselves to think anything as of ourselves, but our sufficiency is of God? There he saith, " If we begin to do any good thing, it is God who began a good work in us. Phil. i. 6. In consideration of which place Augustine saith of the Pela gians, Audiant qui dicunt, i a nobis esse cceptum, a Deo esse eventum] the beginning is from us, the completion is from God. Here let them learn of the Apostle, that it is the Lord that doth begin and. perform the good work."
And thus much of his catechetical lectures, the value of which is by no means exaggerated in Jackson's Dedication to Parliament, where they are called and said to have been
1 p. 138, ed. 1675.
2 Nineteen Sermons concerning Prayer. Camb. 1641.
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reputed " a very library to young divines, and an oracle to consult at, to laureate and grave divines."
From the University Andrewes went into the north on the invitation of Henry Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon and Lord President of the North.1 Whilst with him he is said "both by Isaacson and Bishop Buckeridge to have had great success in converting several both priests and laymen to the Protestant religion.
"After this," adds Buckeridge in his funeral sermon for our prelate, " Mr. Secretary Walsinghame took notice of him, and obtained him of the Earl, intending his preferment, in which he would never permit him to take any country benefice, lest he and his great learning should be buried in a country church. His intent was to make him Reader of Controversies in Cambridge, and for his maintenance he as signed to him (as I am informed) the lease of the parsonage of Alton in Hampshire, which after his death (in 1590) he re turned to his lady, which she never knew nor thought of."s
In 1583, November 27, Nicholas Felton, afterward Bishop of Ely, and, like Andrewes, one of the most upright and popular prelates of his time, was elected to a fellowship at Pembroke College.3 In 1585 Andrewes took his degree of B.D., and in 1588 appears to have succeeded Robert
1 Henry Hastings, third Earl of Huntingdon, succeeded Ms father Francis in the earldom in June 1561, and married Catherine daughter of John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland. He died in December 1595. Sir Eichard Baker, in his notice of the many illustrious personages who died in the course of this year, notes of the Earl of Huntingdon, that he spent his estate upon Puritan ministers. His nephew Francis, son of his brother George, succeeded to the earldom. He was, says Sir R. Baker, excluded the Queen's favour toward the end of her reign for dealing with sorcerers. The Lord President was the patron and friend of Andrewes, Morton (afterwards Bishop of Durham), and Howland Bishop of Peterborough, whom in 1594 he recommended for the Archbishopric of York, but it was reserved for Dr. Matthew Hutton. — See Willis's Survey of the Cathedrals, Peterborough, p. 506.
Our Henry, third Earl of Huntingdon, was Lord-Lieutenant of Leicester and Rutland, one of the peers who had charge of Mary Queen of Scots, and President of the North 1572 — 1595. Peck (Desid. Cur. B. 4) has given several of his letters to Chaderton, Bishop of Lincoln.
2 Funeral Sermon, p. 18.
3 College Register.
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Crowley (Veron's successor in 1563) in the vicarage of St. Giles', Cripplegate. Crowley died on June 18, and was buried in the chancel.
Andre wes, on April 22, 1585, read his Thesis de Usuris1 as his exercise for the degree of B.D. His Sermons on the Temptation in the Wilderness, first published in 1592, and those on the Lord's Prayer, first published in 1611, were probably delivered, not at Cambridge as a recent editor of Isaacson's Life of Andrewes conjectures, but at St. Giles', Cripplegate. Dr. Hopkins, Bishop of Deny, also published a very valuable series of Sermons on the Lord's Prayer towards the latter end of this century. Amongst other eminent divines who have written upon it, are John Smith, 1609, Dr. John Boys, 1622, Perkins of Cambridge, Dr. Henry King, 1638, Joseph Mede, 1658, and William Gouge. In 1586 appeared A Choice of Emblems and other Devises for the most part gathered out of sundry writers, Englished and Moralized, and divers newly devised by Geoffrey Witney, &c. Imprinted at Leyden in the house of Christopher Plantyn, by Francis Baphelengius, 1586. Dedicated to Robert Earl of Leicester, with his arms opposite the dedication. In the second part, p. 224, Matth. xxiv. To M. Andrewes, Preacher. The Martyrs. " Sic probantur." And under it the Pharisee giving alms and blowing his trumpet at the same time. Others are:
p. 217, to Mr. Elcocke, preacher.
to Mr. Rawlins, preacher.
to Mr. Knewstubs, preacher.
to Mr. James Jonson.
to Mr. Howlte, preacher.
Andrewes, whilst at Cambridge, united, it is said, with the Rev. John Knewstubs, B.D., a native of Westmoreland and fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, Dr. Chaderton, afterwards first master of Emmanuel College, Mr. Culverwell, (Ezekiel Culverwell) of Emmanuel College, vicar of Felstead in Essex, author of a Treatise of Faith, 1633, also A ready Way to remember the Scriptures, 1637 ; also John Carter, 1 See the recent edition of his Posthumous "Works, Opusc. Posth. pp. 113 — 150.
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A.M. of Clare Hall, and some others, in weekly meetings for prayer and expounding the Scriptures. Mr. Carter, afterwards rector of Belstead in Suffolk, wrote A Commentary of Christ's Sermon upon the Mount. He died, aged 80 years, February 22, 1634. " At their meetings," says Samuel Clarke in his Lives of Thirty-two English Divines, p. 133, " they had constant exercises : first they began with prayer, and then applied themselves to the study of the Scriptures. One was for the original languages ; another's task was for the grammatical interpretation ; another's for the logical analysis; another's for the true sense and meaning of the text ; another gathered the doctrines ; and thus they carried on their several employments, till at last they went out, like Apollos, eloquent men and mighty in the Scriptures : and the Lord was with them, so that they brought in a very great harvest unto God's barn."
On Wednesday, April 10, in Easter-week 1588, Andrewes preached from 1 Tim. c. vi. 17—19, at the Spital.1 This dis course is in many respects inferior to none of the ninety-six sermons with which it is embodied. In all the great and essential features of a Christian sermon it is perfect, and abounds with that fertility of illustration, and that witty and at times satirical wisdom which marked its author. But indeed truth is a continual satire upon the world; and he who would faithfully portray men's passions and set them before their own eyes must pass for a satirist. But all is here delivered with an affection not less evident than that fearlessness which shines so nobly in this most faithful of preachers. How does he hold up to view all the meanness of pride, all the
1 The Spital Sermons were preached in a cross in the churchyard of the Priory of the Augustinian Canons in Spital Fields. A Bishop, a Dean, and a Doctor in Divinity preached on the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday in Easter- week. Maunsell (Book Catalogue, p. 96) states that this sermon was printed without the author's consent by widow Butler, 1589. Herbert (edition of Ames' Typographical Antiquities, p. 1348) says that she had license granted in the following year, Aug. 24, 1590, for a sermon of Mr. Andrewes' called "The Eich Man's Scripture :" license by the Bishop of London. (Rev. James Bliss, p. Ix. Appendix B. to Andrewes' Life and Minor Works. Oxford, J. H. Parker, 1854.)
c2
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folly of covetousness, all the cruelty and oppression of the proud rich man! How does he urge his authority as a messenger from God, upon the rich and the great !
He delivered not an essay but a discourse, written not with a view to reading but to delivery. He therefore raises up and meets the objections of his hearers, and answers to the supposed charge of personality in a manner that those indeed do not need who are always careful to destroy the force of particular precepts by unmeaning generalities. And at least he reminds his congregation that they must one day give an account of the use to which they shall turn that which they have heard at his mouth.1 He calls God to witness that he has delivered his own soul/ and with all this holy earnestness is nothing but truth in all sobriety and gravity, as it is drawn from the all-searching and all-powerful word of God.
After instancing the highmindedness of Nabal, Abner, and Mieaiah, he adds, " These were, I dare boldly affirm, highminded men in their generations. If any be like these they know what they are. If then there be any that refuse to be pruned and trimmed by the word of God ; who either, when he heareth the words of the charge, Uesseth himself in his heart and saith, Tush, he doth but prate ; these things shall not come upon me, though I walk still according to the stubbornness of mine oivn heart;3 either in hearing the word of God, takes upon him (his flesh and blood and he) to sit on it and censure it; and say to himself one while, ' This is well spoken,' when his humour is served ; another while, ' This is foolishly spoken, now he babbleth,' because the charge sits somewhat near him; either is in the Pharisee's case, which, after they have heard the charge, do (as they did at Christ) eK/jbVKrrjpl^eLVj jest and scoff, and make them selves merry with it, and wash it down with a cup of sack, and that because they were covetous;41 if in very deed the word of God be to them a reproach,5 and they take like delight in both, and well were they if they might never
1 p. 26. 2 p. 17. 3 Dent. xxix. 19.
4 S. Luke xvi. 14. 5 Jer. vi. 10.
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hear it ; and, to testify their good conceit of the word, shew it in the account of the ephod, which is a base and con temptible garment in their eyes, and the word in it and , with it, (this is Michal's case) : whosoever is in any of these men's cases, is in the case of a highminded man, and that of the highest degree, for they lift themselves up, not against earth and man, but against heaven and God himself. 0 be loved, you that be in wealth and authority, love and reve rence the word of God. It is the root that doth bear you; it is the majesty thereof that keepeth you in your thrones, and maketh you be that you are : but for Ego dixi Dii estis (a parcel-commission out of this commission of ours) the mad ness of the people would bear no government, but run head long, and overthrow all chairs of estate, and break in pieces all the swords and sceptres in the world ; which you of this city had a strange experience of in Jack Straw and his meiny,1 and keep a memorial of it in your city-scutcheon, how all had gone down, if this word had not held all up. And therefore honour it, I beseech you; I say, honour it. For when the highest of you yourselves which are but grass, and your lordship's glory and worship which is the flower of this grass, shall perish and pass away, this word shall continue for ever. And if you receive it now with due regard and reverence, it will make you also to continue for ever."2
Touching upon the words, the rich in this worldy he re marks, " Sure it is thought of divers of the best writers both old and new (I name of the new Mr. Calvin, and of the old St. Augustine^} that this addition is a diminution &c. — for being of this world, they must needs savour of the soil ; be as this world is, (that is) transitory, fickle, and deceitful."3
In this sermon he most amply vindicates the Protestantism of the Elizabethan age from the false accusations of the Romanists, who gave out that it was a faith without good works. After commending the liberality of the city of London, he proceeds, " I will be able to prove, that learning, in the foundation of schools and increase of revenues within col leges ; and the poor, in foundation of alms-houses and increase 1 His family, followers. * PP- 6, 7. 3 p- 8.
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of perpetuities to them, have received greater help within this realm in these forty years last past, since (not the starting up of our Church, as they fondly used to speak, but since) the reforming of ours from the errors of theirs, than it hath, I say, in any realm Christian not only within the selfsame forty years (which were enough to stop their mouths), but also than it hath in any forty years upward, during all the time of Popery: which I speak partly of mine own knowledge, and partly by sufficient grave information to this behalf. This may be said and said truly."1
To simony and sacrilege he thus alludes. Treating of the good that might be done to the Church by the rich men of the city whom he likens to Tyre, called a cherub stretching its wings over the ark to signify what protection it should yield to the Church, he says : " And much good might be done, and is not, in this behalf, and that many ways. I will name but one, that is, that with their wings stretched out, they would keep the filth and pollution of the sin of sins (whereof you heard so bitter complaint both these days) of simony and sacrilege, from falling on the ark, and corrupting and putrify- ing it, which it hath almost already done : that seeing the Pope do that he doth (howsoever some have alleged the Papists' great detestation of this sin and of us for this sin, for a motive ; it is all but dissembling ; their hand is as deep in this sin as any man's) ; I say, seeing the Pope doth as he doth, that is, as he hath dispensed with the oath and duty of subjects to their prince, against the fifth commandment: with the murder, both violent with daggers and secret with poison, of the sacred persons of princes, against the sixth ; with the un- cleanness of the stews and with incestuous marriages, against the seventh ; so now, of late, with the abomination of simony, against the eighth; having lately (as it is known by the voluntary confession of their own priests), by special and ex press warrant of the see apostolic, sent hither into this land his license dispensative to all patrons of his mark to set up simony, and to mart and make sale of all spiritual livings which they have or can get to the uttermost penny, even (if
1 P. 17.
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it were possible) by the sound of the drum ; and that with a very clear conscience (so that some portion thereof be sent over to the relief of his seminaries, which by such honest means as this come to be now maintained). Seeing thus do the Papists, and we (loth to be behind them in this gain of blood) make such merchandize with this sin, of the poor Church and her patrimony, as all the world crieth shame of it : to redeem the orderly disposing them to the Church's good, were a special way for you rich men to do good in these days. Neither as these times are do I know a better service, nor which (I am persuaded) will please God better than this, or be better accepted at his hands."1
Towards the end he answers the sophism of the Ehemist translators, who from the text would deduce that good works are a foundation. This they insert in a note, without any reason, and to insinuate an untruth, namely, that they are the foundation of justification. tl The ground whereon every building is raised, is termed fundamentum. The lowest part of the building immediately lying on it is so termed too. In the first sense, Christ is said to be the only foundation : yet the apostles, because they are the lowest row of stones, are said to be foundations in the second. So, among the graces within us, faith is properly in the first sense said to be the foundation; yet in the second do we not deny, but as the apostle calleth them, as the lowest row next to faith, charity and the works of charity may be called foundations too. Albeit the margin might well have been spared at this place ; for the note is here all out of place. For, being so great schoolmen as they would seem, they must needs know it is not the drift of the apostle here in calling them a foundation, to carry our considerations into the matter of justifying, but only to press his former reason of uncertainty there, by a con trary weight of certain stability here : and so their note comes in like Magnificat at matins." Afterwards he thus dis tinguishes : " But if you shall have grace to make choice of God's plot which he hath here levelled for you to raise upon, 0 quantum dignum pretiof that will be worth all the world
1 p. 20.
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in that day: the perfect certainty, sound knowledge, and precious assurance you shall then have, whereby you shall be assured to be received, because you are sure you are Christ's, because you are sure you have true faith, because you are sure you have framed it up into good works. And so shall they be a foundation to you-ward, by making evident the as surance of salvation : not naturd to God-ward, in bringing forth the essence of your salvation."1
On the 19th May, 1589, Lancelot Andrewes was admitted to the prebendal stall of North Muskham, in the church of Southwell, in the place of John Yonge, D.D., at this time Bishop of Eochester. Yonge was B.A. of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, 1551, M.A. 1555, B.D. 1563, and D.D. 1569. On May 3rd, 1564, he was made Prebendary of Cadington Major, in St. Paul's, London, which stall he held until 1579. From a fellowship he was chosen to be Master of his college in the place of Whitgift, that year preferred to the mastership of Trinity College, where he had been educated. On the 26th April, 1572, Yonge was promoted to the 10th stall in Westminster Abbey, in the place of Edmund Freke, Bishop of Kochester. This stall he was permitted to keep in com- mendam with his bishopric of Eochester, to which he was consecrated March 16th, 1578, on the translation of Dr. John Pierse to Salisbury. He died at Bromley in Kent, the ancient seat of the Bishops of Eochester, in his 72nd year, on the 10th April, 1605, and was buried at Bromley. Dr. Christopher Sutton, the pious author of Disce vivere^ &c., succeeded to his stall at Westminster.
North Muskham is about three miles north of Newark. This stall was founded probably by Thomas II. Archbishop of York from 1109 to 1114, and endowed with a part of the great tithes of North Muskham, with the great tithes of Caunton (between Newark and Worksop), and with certain temporals in North Muskham and Caunton.2 Andrewes re tained this stall until he was raised to the see of Ely, when it was conferred upon his brother Dr. Eoger Andrewes, after wards Master of Jesus College, Cambridge.
1 p. 24. » Hardy's Le Neve, vol. iii. p. 428.
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On the 29th May Andrewes was, on the death of Dr. Thomas Sampson, the Puritan Dean of Christ Church (where he was succeeded in 1565 by Thomas Godwyn), preferred by Grindal, Bishop of London, at the suit of the same patron who had obtained for him his stall at Southwell, Sir Francis Walsinghame, to the prebendal stall of St. Pancras, in St. Paul's, London, which he also held until his translation from Chichester to Ely in 1609, when he was succeeded by his friend and fellow-collegian the very pious and learned Dr. Eoger Fenton, also one of the translators of the Bible with himself and his brother, and afterwards preferred by himself to the parsonage of Chigwell, in Essex. Fenton was regarded in his college as only inferior to Andrewes himself.1
Andrewes acknowledged these favours in a letter to Sir Francis Walsinghame, as follows :
"I do in humble manner crave pardon of your Honour, in that I have not myself attended in the re-delivery of the enclosed, to render to your Honour my bounden duty of thanks for the contents thereof. Being, besides mine exercise tomorrow, on Monday morn ing, at the feast of my father's company, to preach at Deptford,2 I promised myself from your Honour a favourable dispensation for the forbearing of my presence till then, what time I shall wait on your Honour, as well in regard of your Honour's great bounty to me these years past, which, while I live, I am bound to acknow ledge, as now for the instant procurement of these two prebends, the one of them no sooner ended, than the other of them straight begun. They are to me both sufficient witnesses of your Honour's care for my well-doing, and mindfulness of me upon any occasion. My prayer to God is, that I may not live unworthy of these so honourable dealings, but that in some sort I may prove serviceable to your Honour, and to your Honour's chief care, this Church of ours. What your Honour hath, and farther shall vouchsafe to promise in my name, in this or aught else, shall be, I trust, so satis fied, as shall stand with your Honour's liking every way. So recommending to your Honour the perfecting of your Honour's own benefit, with my very humble duty I end.
"The Lord Jesus, of his great goodness, grant unto this realm long to enjoy your Honour. Amen. May 24 [1589]. Your Honour's in all humble duty and service, so most bound,
"L. ANDKEWES."3
1 See Bishop Felton in his Funeral Sermon. (MSS. Univ. Lib. Camb.)
2 The Corporation of the Trinity House holds its annual meeting on Trinity Monday, when they attend service at Deptford.
3 Teale's Lives of English Divines, pp. 12, 13. (From MSS. Harl. No. 699, fol. 96.)
26 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
Sir John Harrington relates that Sir Francis Walsinghame had previously laboured to bring Andrewes to maintain some state points of Puritanism. "But," he adds, "he had too much of the av&pos in him to be scared with a councillor's frown, or blown aside with his breath, and answered him plainly that they were not only against his learning but his conscience."
He further mentions that Andrewes' stall at St. Paul's was that of the Confessioner or Penitentiary ; and that while Andrewes held this place, his manner was especially in Lent to walk at stated times in one of the aisles of the cathedral, that if any came to him for spiritual advice and comfort, as some did, though not many, he might impart it to them.1
On the 28th August died Dr. William Fulke, Master of Pembroke Hall, and previously fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. His refutation of the notes appended to the Rhemish Translation of the New Testament forms a storehouse of patristic learning and of sound theology. He was buried at Depden, near Bury, in Suffolk. Andrewes, who was about this time chaplain to Archbishop Whitgift, was chosen to the vacant headship. Strype, in his Life of Whitgift, relates that Andrewes was, for his well-known adherence to ecclesiastical conformity, denied his grace of D.D. in the first congregation of Dr. Preston's admission of him. This Dr. Preston, then Vicechancellor, was not the celebrated Puritan, but Thomas Preston, LL.D., Master of Trinity Hall.2 On this occasion he delivered the thesis 'Decimae non sunt abrogandse,' pub lished in the collection of his posthumous works. On Sep tember 6th he was admitted Master of Pembroke College, and
1 State of the Church of England, pp. 143, 144. " Upon his first shewing himself at Cambridge, in his divinity studies, especial notice was soon taken of him (among his abilities and eminencies) as a man deeply seen in all cases of conscience, and he was much sought to in that respect." — The Life and Death of Andrewes, p. 3. Fuller's Abel Redivivus. Lond. 1651. "The life of Bishop Andrewes by the judicious and industrious my worthy friend Master Isaackson." — Fuller's Epistle to the Reader.
2 First a fellow of King's College, Cambridge; succeeded Dr. Henry Harvey, 1584, as Master of Trinity Hall; died 1598, and was buried in the College chapel.
THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDKEWES. 27
on taking his degree preached ad Clerum from Prov. xx. 25, It is a snare to the man who devour eth that which is holy ; a passage of holy scripture which is altogether disallowed by multitudes as utterly inapplicable under the Christian dis pensation. It was indeed in the time of Charles the First, when almost the whole nation was given to extremes both in religion and politics, a fashionable doctrine with all pseudo- patriots that either sacrilege had ceased to be a sin, or that there was nothing holy, no kind of property of which it could be said that it belonged to God, and was inalienable.1
The bidding prayer was doubtless Andrewes' own compo sition, full of antithesis. tl May God," he prays, il preserve to it [the Church militant] his truth so lately recovered from the thickest clouds of error : may he restore it when it shall seem good to him, its unity now well-nigh lost through the dissensions of the Christian world."
He begins his sermon with observing that whereas the nine first chapters are evidently connected, the remainder appear to be a collection taken down from Solomon's mouth by others without regard to the order of subject. He touches upon the free-will offerings of the people in the days of David and Saul, 1 Chron. xxvi. 27, 28. This proverb, he notes, might have been the reply of Solomon to some of his courtiers, who like those in Haggai might think that the house of God needed not a roof (i. 4), or who might ask with Judas, l to what is all this waste f He remarks, as he might have justly done in our times, " We daily enlist soldiers many, brave and good, but provision for them we find not. We are ever saying much of the diffusion of light, nothing of the supplying of the oil." He then treats — 1. of sacred things, 2. of those who devour them, 3. of their guilt and punishment. Under the first he shews that sacred revenues both by way of oblation and tax are included. The Church both under the old and new covenant had the same liberty granted it of accepting property. This is clear from the last chapter of Leviticus, and
i In 1646 a translation of this sermon was printed by T. B. for Andrew Hebb, at the Bell in St. Paul's Churchyard. A copy of this translation is in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge.
28 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
from the liberty which the apostles recognized, of the first Christians laying at their feet whatsoever offerings they thought fit. Acts iv. 35. Then as to revenues by way of impost, there is a sacred portion in every man's property. So Abraham the father of the faithful, guided in this (we may not doubt) by the Holy Ghost, and an example wheresoever justly imitable, bound himself to the giving of tithe. The Old Testament Church had a power of taxing itself, (see Nehem. x. 32), and, by parity of reasoning, the Christian. Thus in Acts xxiv. 17, we read not only of alms but of offerings, the offerings being things devoted to religious not to eleemosynary uses. He quotes St. Augustine : u God may thus speak, Thou, 0 man, art thyself mine ; mine is the earth thou tillest; mine the seeds thou sowest; mine the beasts thou makest to labour ; mine the showers 5 mine this heat of the sun ; all are mine ; thou who only puttest to thine hand, deservedst only the tenth, but to thee my servant I give thee nine parts ; give to me the tenth." He notices the unwilling ness of the people to give as proceeding in no small degree from the springing up of the abuse of impropriations. He refers to the complaints of the Scotch Church preferred to the Parliament in 1565.
In speaking of persons he blames the clergy themselves as guilty, through their own negligence and sloth, of being ac cessory to such sacrilegious alienations. The punishment of sacrilege he instances in both profane and sacred history ; in the former, from Cambyses, Brennus, and Crassus • in sacred history, from the fate of Dathan, Achan, Belshazzar, Athaliah, and Judas. He enlarges upon the sure destruction which sacrilege entails upon the state, and upon its injurious conse quences as discouraging learning in the Church.
His biographer Isaacson relates that when he became master of his college, a he found it in debt, being of a very small endowment, then especially, but by his faithful provi dence he left above eleven hundred pounds in the treasury of that college, towards the bettering of the estate thereof."
THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES. 29
CHAPTER III.
Dr. Andrewes preaches before the Queen in Lent 1589-90 — His Lectures on the Creation and Fall — Udal, the Puritan, 1591 — Thesis on the Oath ex officio — Of the worshipping of imaginations, 1592 — Convocation Sermon, 1593 — Greenwood and Barrow — The Dearth of 1594.
ON March 4, 1590, Ash- Wednesday, we find Andrewes, being now one of the Queen's twelve chaplains, preaching before the Queen at Whitehall, from Psalm Ixxviii. ver. 34, When Tie slew them they sought him, and they returned, and enquired early after God.1
This sermon contains many striking illustrations of the sin and folly of delay in the things of God, and of the power of religion as it is seen in the fears of such as have yet all their life boasted themselves in a fancied independence of God. u They^ that a little before, grievously provoked the most high Gody with speeches little better than blasphemy : Can God do this ? Is there a God amongst us ? or is there none? And so, instead of qucerebant Deum, qucerebant an Deusj made a question whether there were any to seek: that is, even the very wicked, and (of all wicked the worst) the profane atheists, they sought even at last, they sought.
1 This Sermon is erroneously ascribed to A.D. 1598, in the folio edition of his Sermons. No earlier year will suit the date of Ash- Wednesday, since he was not made one of the Queen's chaplains until 1586. In 1584 Ash- Wednes day (0. S.) fell on the same day, but Andrewes was at that time only a fellow of Pembroke Hall, and M.A.
30 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
This is the triumph of religion: the riotous person, the hypocrite, the atheist, all shall seek."1
Andrewes again preached before the Queen at Greenwich on the following Wednesday, March 11, from Psalm Ixxv. ver. 3, The earth and all the inhabitants thereof are dissolved:
I bear up the pillars thereof; discoursing upon the two pillars of a state, religion and justice, and illustrating his subject from the history of Saul and David. He did not with some, who yet feign reverence of his memory, set up prayer against preaching, which he included in the sublime duty of praise, as the proclaiming of God to his creatures; but with the devout George Herbert would have prayer and preaching go hand in hand. ft So that not only Moses and Paul by calling on the name of God, but Elias and Jeremie by teaching the will of God (not by prayer only, but by preaching) are, the one an iron pillar,2 the other the chariot and horsemen of Israel in his time."3
He reads 2 Kings xi. ver. 12, with the Vulgate, making the ceremony of the coronation there spoken of to be the
II putting not only the diadem imperial, but the book of the law also, upon the King's head," to remind them that " that book should be as dear to them as their crown, and they equally study to advance it."4
Andrewes, on the 6th of April, lost his faithful friend and patron, Sir Francis Walsinghame, who died at his house in Seething-lane, Great Tower-street, about midnight and was buried at St. Paul's the next evening, about ten, without pomp or publicity.6
On October 13, he preached his introductory lecture at St. Paul's, upon undertaking to comment upon the four first chapters of Genesis.6 These he continued to the 12th Febru ary, 1592, upon which day he delivered that upon Gen. iii. 13, And the Lord God said unto the woman, What hast thou done? And the woman said, The serpent beguiled me, and
1 p. 176. The 2nd and 4th editions.
2 Jer. i. 48. 3 p. 267. 4 p. 270.
5 Stow, by Howes, p. 631. Cunningham's Hand-Book of London, p. 671.
6 Orphan Lectures, p. 657-
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/ did eat. The remaining lectures1 to the end of the fourth chapter were preached in his parish church at St. Giles', Cripplegate, where he resumed them on the 18th June, 1598, and completed them on February 17, 1600. These were published in 1657 with the following title, " Apospasmatia sacra : or, a Collection of posthumous and orphan Lectures : delivered at St. Paul's and St. Giles' his Church, by the Eight Honourable and Reverend Father in God Lancelot Andrews, Lord Bishop of Winchester. Never before extant." It may be observed that our prelate himself did not write his name Andrews as in this titlepage, but Andrewes. Some of these lectures are from very sparing, others from very copious notes. They abound in learning and in pious applications of the history of which he treats. Here we have the same zeal against sacrilege,2 the same honest denunciation of faction and schism which we find in his convocation sermon,3 the same delight in the works of God which made his solitary walks his most pleasant recreation when a youth, the same familiar knowledge of the Fathers, the same doctrine of the grace of God, sanctifying all that came from his lips.
Treating of the divine rest spoken of in Genesis ii. 2, he saith, ll We say then, that he rested not from preserving and governing, though he did rest from making.
" Hermes, by the light of reason, could say that it were very absurd to think that God should leave and neglect the things he had made; and God imputeth it as a fault to the ostrich, Job xxxix. ver. 18, 19, to leave her eggs without care and regard in the sands; therefore God himself will be free from that blame and blemish which he condemneth in others. As we say of the Father, so we say of the Son, which is the Word of God, Psalm xxxiii. ver. 9, He commanded and they were made; there is creation : He said the word and stood fast; which is the second work of preservation
1 These occupy the Orphan Lectures from p. 313 to p. 499. At the end we have some of the Pauline Lectures that had probably not come to hand in time to be published in their proper order ; and lastly three admirable discourses on Genesis iii. 14, 15, preached at St. Giles', Cripplegate.
2 p. 30. 3 p. 35.
32 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
and guiding. Also Psalm cxlviii. ver. 5, 6, He first made them with his word, which is the first work of creation long since ended, and he gave them a law which they should not break, which is the other work of establishing and governing things made. So Col. i. ver. 17, Paul speaking of Christ, saith, By Him all things have their being, or existence ; and Heb. i. ver. 3j By Him all things have their supportance, and are held up.
" If God had his work six days before he rested in creation, and if Adam had his work in the state of innocency, then it is much more meet now, that man should go forth to his labour until the evening, Psalm civ. ver. 23. They which are not in the works of men. Psalm Ixxiii., but lie on their beds imagining mischief, they shall not rest in the Lord, because God made them for good works to walk in them, Ephes ii. ver. 10.
" There are a number of superfluous creatures, as one calleth the idle ones, of whom if we should demand, what is thy calling or work? they cannot say, we are exercised in the works of men; neither do they work in the will of God. Therefore if they do anything, they busy themselves in meddling about other men's matters.
"It is strange to see how busy we are in taking in hand evil things, and how earnest we are in doing them, and how constant in not giving them over, or ceasing from such works. Judas can watch all night to work his treason ; but Peter and the rest could not watch one hour to pray with Christ.
" Husbandmen in their works for earthly things are earnest; they follow his counsel (Eccles. xi. 6) not to cease sowing from the morning until the evening, but will make an end. But in the works of God we cannot follow his counsel, to do all that thou takest in hand with all thy power and strength.
" The last use which we are to make of this is, that which the Apostle gathereth out of the Hebrews (iv. 10). As God did rest from his works, so let us from ours. We must esteem our righteousness and best works as filthy rags,
THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES. 33
yea as very dung, Phil. iii. 8, and say as Job did, 1 feared my own works. Job ix. 28, Vulgate. Thus we must rest from our own works because there is no safety or quietness in them, but leave our own righteousness, that we may rest in Christ and in the works he hath wrought for us."1
These lectures Dr. Andrewes continued at St. Paul's through the months of January, February, April, May, June, July, August, October, and November, 1591.
On January the 8th in that year we find him not only one of the witnesses, but appointed one of the executors of Dean Nowell's will (most providently made by that venerable man now ten years before his decease). As guard ian of John Dean, in whose education No well had been at great expense, Nowell was in the receipt of the interest of £2,600, lent upon bonds to different companies of mer chants in London, of which income, amounting to £135 per annum, it was Nowell's desire that no part should be applied to the emolument of his widow, but the whole laid out in deeds of charity. Of £100, half to be sent to Oxford, half to Cambridge. Of that sent to Cambridge, Dr. Andrewes, master of Pembroke Hall, Dr. Neville, master of Trinity College (tutor to George Herbert, and in 1597 dean of Canterbury), Dr. Tyndale, president of Queens' College, and this same year dean of Ely, and Dr. Chaderton, master of Emmanuel College, were to dispose ; £4. being annually reserved to Alexander Whitaker, scholar of Trinity College, and £4. to his brother Samuel of Eton College, sons of Dr. Whitaker, master of St. John's College, deceased.2
Alexander Nowell was admitted scholar of Trinity College, Cambridge, April 16, 16023 : he was admitted to the degree of B.A. in 1604, and of M.A. in 1608. He was not elected to a fellowship. The registers make no mention of his brother Samuel.
Under January 21, 1591, the following register is entered in the registry of St. Olave's, Hart-street : " Master Walter
1 pp. 126, 128.
2 Life of Alex. Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's, by Rev. Ralph Churton. Oxf. 1809, p. 355. 3 Register of Trin. Coll.
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Devereux, second son to the Earl of Essex, in my lady Walsinghame's house; Sir Thomas Parrot [Perrot] and Sir William Knollys, Knts., and my lady, the mother, were wit nesses. Mr. Doctor [Andrewes] preached and baptized the child."1
Sir William Knoilys, or Knowles, was afterwards treasurer of the household to King James, by whom he was created Baron Knowles, May 3, 1603, Viscount Wallingford 1616, and by Charles I., in the first year of his reign, Earl of Banbury. His mansion was Greys Kotherfield, (whence the name of his barony EotJierfield) to the west of Henley- on-Thames; a house which in times past Walter Grey the archbishop of York [1216—1256] gave freely unto William Grey his nephew, the inheritance whereof by the Baron of D'Eincourt was devolved upon the Lovels.2
In the baptismal register of St. Olave's, Hart-street, is the following, dated January 22, 1591 : " Kobert Devereux Viscount Hereford," (afterward General of the Parliament3) " son and heir of Robert Earl of Essex, in my Lady Walsing hame's house" (in Seething-lane4) mother to the countess; Sir Francis Knollys and the Lord Rich, with the Countess of Leicester," (daughter of Sir Francis Knollys, and widow of Walter Earl of Essex as well as of Robert Earl of Leicester, and grandmother to the infant,) witnesses. Dr. Andrewes preached and baptized the child.
Sir Francis Knollys was a Knight of the Garter and treasurer to the Queen's household. He had been an exile in Germany in the reign of Queen Mary. He was descended from Sir Robert Knollys who greatly signalized himself in the wars with France under Edward III. Sir Robert also assisted in the suppression of Wat Tyler's rebellion, and was of a spirit as munificent as heroic. He contributed
1 Collect. Topog. et Genealog. vol. ii. p. 311. 1835.
2 Holland's Camdcn, p. 389.
3 The third Earl of Essex of that name.
4 Seething-lane^ in Great Tower-street, at the corner of All-Hallows, Barking; it runs north-west from Tower-street to Crutched Friars. Sir Francis Walsinghame lived and died in this lane.
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to the building of Bochester-bridge, founded a college at Pontefract, where Constance his lady was born, and was a great benefactor to the White Friars in London, in whose church he was buried in August 1407, being then at least ninety years old.1
The first lord Kich was Lord-Chancellor for five years in the reign of Edward VI. He was well descended and allied in Hampshire, and was much employed under Cromwell in the suppression of abbies; umost of the grants of which lands," says Fuller, "going through his hands, no wonder if some stuck upon his fingers."
On St. Matthias-Day, February 24th, Andrewes preached at Greenwich before the queen, from Psalm Ixxvii. 20, setting before her the pattern of the divine government, the gentle ness with which the great Shepherd of Israel led his flock. He treated very tenderly, and in the true pastoral spirit, of the value of the flock committed to her royal charge, all alike by nature given to disobedience, but God's flock and people, and the lowest and meanest of them dear to Christ. He quoted those impressive words of St. Augustine upon Inasmuch as ye did it to the least of these my brethren, ye did it unto me; u Thou nearest the least, and thou despisest them ; hear also these words, my brethren, and, believe me, the saving2 of the least of these is no small glory." He reminded the queen that the office of princes is to lead their people to God, and urged the necessity of a public ministry as well of religion as of civil justice ; the hand as well of Aaron as of Moses.
In May Dr. Andrewes was, together with Nowell, ap pointed by archbishop Whitgift to confer with Udal, then in prison.
Udal had been convicted under a very large interpretation of the 23 Eliz. cap. 2, which was enacted for the punishment of seditious words against the queen. His offence was a pas sionate invective against the bishops in a work entitled The Demonstration of Discipline which Christ hath prescribed in
1 Fuller's Worthies, Cheshire, p. 179.
2 " Hortmi salus. And trust me it is no poor praise to protect this flock, &c." — Andrewes, p. 279. 2nd edit.
r>2
36 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
his Word, for the government of his Church in all times and places until the world's end. The preface gave especial provocation, and a virulent specimen of it was inserted in the indictment. " Who can deny you without blushing (he writes to the bishops) to be the cause of all ungodliness, seeing your government is that which giveth leave to a man to be anything saving a sound Christian ?" and more in a still severer strain. Udal was treated with much injustice, and after a somewhat turbulent trial and much overbearing, was convicted on July 23, 1590 ; but his learning and reputation were such that Whitgift is said to have interceded for him and to have delayed judgment. He was however, in March 1591, brought to the bar at South wark and condemned to die as a felon. Whitgift is said to have procured his reprieve. In prison he wrote a Hebrew grammar, and was visited by several of his friends. Andrewes conferred with him upon all the points then in controversy between the Church of Eng land and the maintainers of the new discipline, but without success. He appears however to have respected both An drewes and Nowell, and to have been regarded by them with unfeigned sympathy if not esteem. Great efforts were made in his behalf, and his friendly visitants themselves promised him their kind offices, but he was disappointed of all his hopes, and at last died broken-hearted in prison. Great numbers attended his funeral at St. George's, Southwark.1
Andrewes is said to have been a member of a Society of Antiquaries, to which belonged Sir Walter Kaleigh, Sir Philip Sidney, Lord Burleigh, Henry Earl of Arundel, the two Herberts, Earls of Pembroke, Sir Henry Saville, John Stowe, and William Camden. It began in the earlier part of the reign of queen Elizabeth, and its great object was the preservation of MSS. dispersed by the suppression and dissolution of monasteries. They met first at the house of Sir Robert Cotton, under the patronage of archbishop Parker. So Dr. Moore, p. 2, The Gentleman s Society at Spalding. (Pickering, 1851.)
In July 1591, Dr. Andrewes read in the Divinity School
1 See Howell's State Trials, vol. i., or the 2nd edit, folio, vol. i. pp. 178, 179.
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at Cambridge his Theological Determination upon the law fulness of the oath ex officio on the ground of Scripture. He maintained the affirmative as implied in the very authority of the magistrate, which was over the soul as well as the body, Rom. xiii. 1. If it was lawful in Abraham to make his servant take an oath,1 in the case of Jacob and Joseph,2 and of Jacob and Esau ; 3 much more in causes of a weightier kind, and by the authority of greater persons. This power he urged was involved in Exodus xxii. 8, If the thief be not found, then the master of the house shall be brought unto the judges to see ivhether he have put his hand unto his neigh bour's goods. He alleged also Numbers v. 19, Levit. vi. 3, and 1 Kings viii. 31. In cases involving the life or death of the party he makes an exception, instancing the case of Jeremiah (xxxviii. 14). But where the public weal is concerned, whether in church or state, recourse may be had to extraordinary modes of discovering guilt. Thus Joshua proceeded by lot, and so Achan was taken and punished. (Josh. vii. 16.) Amongst other reasons and illustrations he adduced Levit. v. 1, and Ezra x. 11. Micaiah answered when thus put upon his oath (1 Kings xxii.), and our Lord himself (Matth. xxvi. 63).
Of the limits of an oath or of that which determines its equity, he remarks, that Scripture lays down a threefold rule, (1) " in truth, in righteousness, in judgment" (Jer. iv. 2), that is, " I will speak nothing but the truth in the name of the Lord; (2) concerning those things which fall within my knowledge (things possible) and according to the require ments of the law itself; (3) not hastily, but with deliberation.1
In January and February 1592, Dr. Andrewes proceeded with his lectures on the third chapter of Genesis at St. Paul's, but does not appear to have resumed them until June 18, 1598, and then at his church of St. Giles', Cripplegate. On January 9, 1592, he preached there his sermon entitled Of the worshipping of imaginations, from Acts ii. 42, as one of a series upon the Commandments. Here he refutes
1 Gen. xxiv. 3. 2 Ib. xlvii. 29. 3 Ib. xxv. 33.
4 Opuscula Quccdam Postlwma, pp. 91—110. Lond. 1629.
38 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
the pleas of the Puritans pretending in everything to follow the Apostolic model, and yet no man thinks himself bound (says Andrewes) to abstain from eating things strangled and blood. And so of their love-feasts and their celebrating their sacrament after supper. He here defends the reading of the Apocrypha from St. Jude's quoting the apocryphal book of Enoch. He declares for the Apostolic origin of episcopacy, and disputes against that of lay-elders, citing St. Chrysostom, that in his time only the wiser of the presbyters were suffered to preach, the simpler sort to bap tize.1 The distinction between elders and doctors he shews to have had no existence at least in the minds of the antient commentators Chrysostom, Jerome and Augustine. He shews how the Popish mass is an imagination, since, contrary to the text (as the Syriac translates it), in their sacrament there is no breaking of bread, inasmuch as after consecration there is, according to them, no bread to break, and the body of Christ is now impassible. He calls the Eucharist a sacrifice, as it is the renewing of covenant with God in virtue of Christ's sacrifice. The partaking of the bread he calls the partaking of Christ's true body.2 Lastly he animadverts upon the long and extemporaneous prayers of the Puritans, with their tautology and incoherence. This and another are the only two of his many parochial sermons which Laud and Bucke- ridge seem to have thought worthy of preservation.3
In the course of this year, 1592, Andrewes' Seven Sermons on the Temptation were first printed, with the following title: tl The Wonderful Combat (for God's glory and man's salvation) between Christ and Satan opened, in seven most excellent, learned, and zealous Sermons upon the Temptations of Christ in the Wilderness. Seen and allowed. London : printed by John Charlwood for Richard Smith: and are
1 On 1 Cor. i. 17.
2 But this lie thus explains : "And again too, that to a many with us, it is indeed so fractio panis, as it is that only and nothing besides : whereas the bread which we break is the partaking of Christ's true body, (and not of a sign, figure, or remembrance of it), 1 Cor. x. 16. For the Church hath ever believed a true fraction of the true body of Christ in that Sacrament." (p. 35.)
3 They found notes and portions of many others. See the Preface.
THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDEEWES. 39
to be sold at his shop at the west door of St. Paul's, 1592. This edition was called in as soon as printed, as appears from a notice of it in p. 1324 in Herbert's Ames. They were reprinted in 4to. in 1627 for J. Jaggard and Michael Sparke ; the latter reprinted them, with Robert Milbourne, Richard Cotes and Andrew Crooke, in his edition of Andrewes' Lectures on the Decalogue.
The other parochial discourse is from Jer. iv, 2, on the third commandment, and was preached at St. Giles', Cripple- gate, on June llth. He interprets our Lord as designing to free the divine law in his Sermon on the Mount from the false glosses of the Pharisees, not as giving a new law.
He observes that an oath may be lawfully made without including an express mention of the name of God. " Howbeit yet the Fathers (well weighing that speech of St. Paul's, 1 Cor. xv. 31, where he speaketh on this wise, By our rejoicing which we have in Christ Jesus our Lord, &c., wherein his oath is not immediately by the Name of God, but by a secondary thing issuing from it,) have thought it not abso lutely necessary that in every oath the Name of God should be mentioned, but sufficient if reductive. It is ruled in divinity, that such things as presently are reduced to God, will bear an oath." This he instances in swearing by the Holy Gospel1
The first edition of Andrewes' Sermons on the Temptation - has an epistle dedicatory to Sir John Puckering, Knt, Lord- Keeper of the Great Seal of England.
This volume contains the bidding prayers used by An drewes before his parochial sermons.
" Two most excellent Prayers which the preacher commonly used before his exercises.
" That the name of God may be glorified by this our assembly, and his holy Word blessed to the end he hath ordained it : let us in all humbleness present ourselves before the mercy-seat of God the Father, in the name and mediation of Christ Jesus his dear Son, through the sanctifying of his Holy Spirit, with our unfeigned humble acknowledg-
1 p. 42.
40 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDliEWES.
ment both of our own unworthiness to receive any of his graces, and unableness when we have received them to make right use of them. And both these by reason of our manifold sundry sins and offences, amongst the rest, of this one (as a chief one) that we divers times have been hearers of his divine and precious Word, without care or conscience to become the better thereby : let us beseech him, in the obedience of the life and sacrifice of the death of Christ Jesus his dear Son, to receive both us and this our humble con fession; to pardon both this and the rest of our sins, and to turn from us the punishments deservedly due unto them all; especially that punishment which most usually he doth exercise at such meetings as this, which is, the receiving of his Word into a dead and dull heart, and so departing with no more delight to hear nor desire to practise than we came with ; that so, through the gracious assistance of his good Spirit, inward, adjoined to the outward ministry of his Word at this present, the things which shall be spoken and heard may redound to some glory of his everlasting- blessed name, and to some Christian instruction and comfort of our own souls, through Jesus Christ our only Lord and Saviour."
This prayer ended he proceedeth again in this manner : a And as the Church of Christ, wheresoever it is at this present assembled and met together, is mindful of us that be here, so it is our parts and duties in our prayers to remember it, recommending unto the majesty of Almighty God the prosperous and flourishing estate thereof: beseeching God the Father, for Christ Jesus his Son's sake, to be merciful to all his servants, even his whole militant church, scattered far and wide over the face of the whole earth : both preserving it in those truths that it hath recovered from the sundry gross and superstitious errors of the form erage, and restoring it also unto that unity (in his good time) which it hath almost lost and daily loseth through the unchristian and unhappy contentions of these days of ours.
11 And in this Church let us be mindful of that part thereof which most especially needeth our remembrance, that is,
THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES. 41
the poor afflicted members of Christ Jesus, in what place, for what cause, or with what cross soever: that it would please God to minister into our hearts the same spirit of compassion and fervency, now in the time of their need, that we would wish should be ministered into theirs in the time of our need, for them to become suitors for us. And let us wish them all from the Lord (in his good time) the same joyful deliverance, and till his good time be, the same measure of patience that we would wish unto our own souls, or would have them entreat and pray for at his hands for us, if ever our case shall be as theirs is at this present.
" And forasmuch as those churches or members of churches which enjoy the outward benefits of the Lord, as of health, plenty, peace and quietness, do many times as much and (for the most part) much more need the prayers of Christ his faithful congregation, than those that are under his hand in the house of affliction, let us beseech him for them also, that he will give unto each and every of them a thankful receiving of those his benefits, a sober using of them, and a Christian employing of them, to his glory that hath sent them.
u And in these our prayers let us be mindful also of the Church and country wherein we live, yielding first and fore most evermore, our unfeigned and hearty thanksgivings for all his mercies and gracious favours vouchsafed this land of ours : and namely, for our last no less gracious than marvellous deliverance from our enemies, and for all those good signs and tokens of his loving favor which ever since and daily he sheweth towards us.
tl And together withal let us beseech him, that whilst these days of our peace do last, he will open our eyes to see and in cline our hearts to seek after those things which may make for the continuance and establishing of this peace long amongst us.
"And (as by especial duty we all stand bound) let us commend unto his Majesty his chosen servant Elizabeth our Sovereign by his grace, of England, France, and Ireland Queen, Defendress of the Faith, and over all estates and per sons within these her dominions (next and immediately under
42 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
God) supreme Governess : let us beseech God (daily more and more) to persuade her Highness' heart that the advancement and flourishing of this kingdom of hers consisteth in the ad vancement and flourishing of the kingdom of his Son Christ within it; that it may be therefore her Majesty's special care and study, that both her Highness in that great place wherein God hath set her, and every one of us in the several degrees wherein we stand, may be as careful to testify unto the whole world a special care and endeavour that we have for the propaga tion of the gospel of his Son, as Christ Jesus hath shewn himself by many arguments both of old and of late (and that of weight) that he hath carried and still carrieth a special care of the preservation and welfare of us all.
" Let us commend also unto God the several estates of the land, for the right honourable of the Nobility and of her Highness' Privy Council, that they may be careful (from the Spirit of the Lord) to derive all their counsels ; that so God which sendeth the counsel may send it good and happy success also, and may confound and cast out the counsels of the enemy.
lt For the estate of the clergy, the right reverend Fathers in God, in whose hand the government of the Church is, and all other inferior ministers, that he will give unto each and every of them sufficient graces for the discharge of their functions, and together (with the graces) both a faith ful and a fruitful employing of them.
" For the estate of magistracy, and namely for the gover nors of this honourable city, that they together with the rest, according to the trust that is reposed in them, may be no less careful speedily without delay, than incorruptly without partiality, to administer justice to the people of God.
u For the estate of the commons, that they all, in a Christian obedience towards each and every of their superiors, and in a godly love, with the fruits and duties thereof one towards another, may walk worthy of that glorious calling whereunto they are called: and that the blessings of the Lord may not only be with us for our times, but successively also be delivered to our posterity, let us beseech God that he
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will visit with the Spirit of his grace the two Universities, Cambridge and Oxford, all schools of learning and places of education of youth; that they being watered with the dew of his blessing, may yield forth such plants as may both serve for a present supply of the Church's need, and also in such sort furnish the generations that are to come that our posterity also may be counted unto the Lord for a holy seed and a Christian generation as we ourselves are.
li And thus recommending ourselves unto the prayers of Christ his Church, as we have commended Christ his whole Church by our prayers unto the majesty of Almighty God, reposing our trust and confidence neither in our own prayers nor in the Church's prayers, but in the alone mediation of Christ Jesus our advocate, let us unto him as unto our sole intercessor offer up these our supplications, that he may present them to God his Father for the effectual ob taining of these and whatsoever graces else he knoweth needful for his whole Church and for us, calling upon him as himself in his Gospel hath taught us, Our Father, &c."
Isaacson informs us that Andrewes read the lecture at St. Paul's three times a- week in term time. " And indeed," he adds, " what by his often preaching at St. Giles', and his no less often reading in St. Paul's, he became so infirm that his friends despaired of his life."
Of his charities in his parish of S. Giles', Cripplegate, Buckeridge says, in his funeral sermon, " The first place he lived on was S. Giles', there I speak my knowledge; I do not say he began — sure I am he continued his charity : his certain alms there was ten pound per annum, which was paid quarterly by equal portions, and twelve pence every Sunday he came to church, and Jive shillings at every Communion.''11 As prebendary of St. Pancras he built the prebendal house in Creed-lane, and recovered it to the church.2
On February 20, 1593, Dr. Andrewes preached the Con vocation sermon at St. Paul's, from Acts xx. 28. He refers to the notice of this passage in the 14th chapter of the
1 p. 20. 2 p. 19.
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3rd book of Irenseus against Heresies, as shewing that he held the distinction of the episcopate and of the presbytery. Towards the beginning of his discourse he reprobates the great abuse of preaching by the idle and unlearned in those times ; he also admonishes his audience of the need they have to look well to their flocks, and remarks that the narrow scrutiny of their lives and manners so common amongst the laity is the effect of their remissness in their pastoral charge. Nobly does he urge the consideration that (l this congregation which we call the Church and which so many amongst us so lukewarmly and slothfully tend, are, if we believe Peter, partakers of the divine nature, (2 Pet. i. 4) ; if John, citizens of heaven ; if Paul, the future judges of the angels," 1 Cor. vi. 3. Towards the end of this discourse he animadverts upon the boldness of some who at that time ventured to impugn the doctrine of the Holy Trinity. Next he speaks, and that in the very strongest terms, of the Romish emissaries, and of the unaltered spirit of Rome still thirsting for blood. After this he notices the factious spirit of the Puritans, more ready to give laws to the Church than to receive them. He speaks of some who made light of the Sacraments and treated them as superfluous, proscribed the Apostles' Creed, would not use the Lord's prayer, and sought to introduce a state little better than anarchy itself. He predicts that if these evils are not restrained our Sion will soon be turned into Babel.
He next faithfully reproves the evil custom of admitting unfit persons to the ministry, men whose lives are a scandal to the Church, and the cause, as he admits, of loud complaint, and that not without foundation. Nor does he spare the bishops themselves, but alludes very openly to the iniquitous and impious practice of that age, of bishops, on their advance ment to their sees, impoverishing their bishoprics by in equitable exchanges of estates for great tithes,1 &c. Indeed, queen Elizabeth first strove to deteriorate by this kind of temptation the whole prelacy, and then punished the natural effect of her own misconduct, the popular contempt that was
1 Opuscula, pp. 40, 41.
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cast upon her prelates, and that tended more perhaps than any other cause to strengthen the Puritans. This very year Dr. Marmaduke Middleton, Bishop of St. David's, was sus pended by the High Commission Court.
Of the Convocation, Collier relates that, " excepting the grant of two subsidies little or nothing was done. On the llth of April, the day after the dissolution of Parliament, the Convocation was dissolved by the queen's writ."1
On March 21, Dr. Andre wes, with Dr. Parry, afterwards Bishop of Worcester, Dr. Philip Bisse, Archdeacon of Taun- ton,2 and Dr. Thomas White, Prebendary of Mora and Canon Kesidentiary of St. Paul's,3 was sent to Mr. Henry Barrow to exhort him to recant his errors.4 This conference took no effect, and so on April 6th, Barrow and John Greenwood, the one a layman the other in holy orders, were executed at Tyburn. These men, from the enumeration of their delin quencies as recorded by their judges, deserved rather to be sent to Bedlam than to Tyburn. They held that " the Church of England was no true church, and that the worship in this communion was downright idolatry ; that praying by a form was blasphemous, and that all those who make or expound any printed or written catechisms, are idle shepherds." Their more venial offences were the maintaining that every parish should choose its own pastor, that every lay elder is a bishop, with other points of ' schismatical and seditious doctrine,' as their indictment ran.
On Friday,5 March 30th, Dr. Andrewes preached before
1 Jer. Collier's Eecl. Hist. vol. ii. p. 637.
2 Installed 23rd May, 1584. He was also Sub-dean of Wells, and probably an ancestor of Dr. Philip Bisse, Bishop of St. David's and Hereford in the last century. He was born in Somersetshire, was elected a demy of St. Mary Magdalene's College, Oxford, 1570, aged 18, was chosen a fellow when B.A. in 1574, M.A. 1577, became a noted preacher in Oxford and London. He suc ceeded Justinian Lancaster as Archdeacon of Taunton in 1584. He died about the beginning of 1608. His son James was rector of Croscombe, near Wells, 1623, on the death ofWm. Rogers.— Wood's Ath. Oxon. ed. Bliss, vol. ii. p. 26.
3 Dr. White died March 1, 1624, and was buried in St. Duns tan' s-in-the- West. Being once in trouble, he found a friend in the Lord- Keeper Williams. — Hacket's Life of Williams, p. 88.
4 Jer. Collier's JEccl. Hist. vol. ii. p. 638.
5 By a mistake Wednesday in the folio edition of Sermons.
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the queen at St. James's, from St. Mark xiv. 4, 6. Andrewes here uncritically follows the conjecture of St. Augustine that this Mary was Mary Magdalene, and the penitent woman mentioned in the 7th chapter of St. Luke's Gospel. He re flects in this sermon upon the prodigality of that age in sumptuous feasting, in princely apparel, in burdensome reti nues, in magnificent houses. Alluding to the complaint of Judas, To what end is this waste? he says, u The case is like, when they that have wasted many pounds, complain of that penny waste which is done on Christ's ~body the Church. Or when they that in their whole dealings (all the world sees) are unreformed, seriously consult how to reform the Church." Again he observes, " The kindliest way to have Judas' com plaint redressed, is to speak and labour that Mary Magdalene's example may be followed."1
The following year was a time of dearth, as we find from li The renewing of certain Orders devised by the, special com mandments of the Queers Majestic for the relief and stay of the present dearth of grain within the Realm in the year of our Lord 1586, now to be again executed this year 1594, dfcc., published by Christopher Barker. It was probably for a col lection on account of this dearth that Andrewes preached in the Court at Richmond, from the parable of Dives and Lazarus, on Tuesday, March 5, 1594.2 This is indeed one of the most profitable of his discourses, and contains many topics and illustrations worthy of special observation.
On the following day he preached before the queen at Hampton Court on Remember Lot's wife. He spoke much of the frequency of such relapses, and very ably treated of the peculiar nature and heinousness of her sin and greatness of her punishment. He concluded with a high commendation of the perseverance of the queen as one who had from the beginning of her reign to this time been faithful to the true religion ; one tl who (like Zorobabel) first by princely mag nanimity laid the corner-stone in a troublesome time; and since, by heroical constancy, through many both alluring
1 Sermons, p. 294.
2 By a mistake 1596 in the folio edition of the Sermons.
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proffers and threatening dangers, hath brought forth the headstone also, with the prophet's acclamation ' Grace, grace unto it.""
In November the queen, to satisfy the complaints of her parliament, issued a commission to examine into the state of the ecclesiastical courts. For the diocese of London, Dr. Richard Fletcher, bishop of Worcester, Dr. Andrewes, and Dr. Stanhope, a civilian, were appointed commissioners.2
1 Sermons, p. 308.
2 Strype's Whitgift, vol. ii. b. 4, p. 194. Of bishop Fletcher various notices may be found in Britten's Bristol Cathedral, pp. 26—28. Fuller's Worthies (Kent), and Dr. fares' Life of Burleigh, vol. iii. p. 446. He was of Trinity College, Cambridge, Prebendary of Islington, 1572; Dean of Peterborough 1585; Bishop of Bristol 1589, and Almoner to the Queen; of Worcester 1593; London 1594; died 1596.
48 THE LIFE OF BISHOP ANDREWES.
CHAPTER IV.
The Lambeth Articles, 1595.— Dr Andrews' Review of them.— He adopts the Augustinian doctrine as modified ly Aquinas.
THE late eminently learned and candid bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Kaye, has observed of St. Augustine, that the high estimation in which his authority was held may be traced equally in the writings of the Reformers and in the discussions of the theologians at the Council of Trent.1 Of the state of our nature after the fall, he observes, that the framers of our Articles not only adopted the opinions, but in the concluding paragraph (of the 10th Article) have used the very language of Augustine.2
Neither is there any adequate proof that any of the Re formers departed from the doctrine of St. Augustine, or differed from one another upon the peculiar and essential tenets of that father, whose theology entered even into all the forms of devotion that had been used in our own country and over Western Christendom from the fifth century. It may be seen from the Formula Concordise itself,3 which was promul gated and subscribed in 1579, that the original doctrines of Luther were at that time recognized as the unaltered faith of the Lutheran Communion. Melancthon himself in 1551 subscribed to the doctrine of St. Augustine on Original Sin, which doctrine was affirmed in the Saxon Confession, a Con fession drawn up by Melancthon himself.4 He had previously
1 Charges, p. 256. Lond. 1854. 2 p. 257.
3 Pars ii. c. 2 & 11. Francke's Libri Symbolici. Lips. 1847.
4 See Articles 2 and 4, pp. 74 — 82, in Francke's Appendix.
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maintained the same in his Apology of the Confession of Augsburg. Yet Weismann and others have claimed Me- lancthon as a dissentient from St. Augustine even in the lifetime of Luther.
The opinions of Cranmer as early as 1537 are easily discernible in the Institution of a Christian Man, and in his annotations upon the king's proposed corrections of that book, in which it is obvious that the king with Gardiner dissented from St. Augustine.1 Indications are not wanting in the history of the English Reformation that the same diversity of bias marked the two great parties of that age, the friends of the Reformation herein adhering to the antient, of the Papacy to the modern church of Rome, even when abroad this mark of severance was not so observable.
The year before Cranmer with Ridley drew up the forty- two Articles, since reduced to thirty-nine, and which were placed in the hands of Knox, Grind al, and others previously to publication, he thus expressed himself in his Answer to Dr. Smith:
" And yet I know this to be true, that Christ is present with his holy church, which is his holy elected people , and shall be with them to the world's end, leading and governing them with his Holy Spirit, and teaching them all truth necessary for their salvation. And whensoever any such be gathered together in his name, there is he among them, and he shall not suffer the gates of hell to prevail against them. Nor although he may suffer them by their own frailty for a time to err, fall, and to die ; yet finally, neither Satan, hell, sin, nor eternal death shall prevail against them. But this holy church is so unknown to the world, that no man can discern it but God alone, who only searcheth the hearts of all men, and knoweth his true children from other that be bastards. This church is the pillar of truth because it resteth upon God's Word."2
In the following year appeared the Articles. There can be no doubt respecting the mind of their framers as regards
1 Cranmer's Works, Parker Soc. edit., vol. ii. p. 191.
2 Wmrfa, vol. i. pp. 376, 377.
E
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their interpretation of them. Enough has been adduced to justify the assertion of the late Bishop of Lincoln, that a if they can be said to have followed the guidance of any unin spired teacher, that teacher was Augustine, who for more than ten centuries had exercised through his writings an unbounded influence over the Western Church."1 That influence con tinued to prevail in both our universities to the time of Andrewes, and after his decease. It is alike visible in the works of Whitaker, and in Andrewes' Judgment of the Lambeth Articles. But Andrewes pleaded for the modifica tion of the Augustinian doctrine which had been introduced by Aquinas, maintaining at the same time that it introduced no essential variation, and did not affect the cause but the order which the Almighty observes in the act of predestining.2 The first indication of a departure from the received doctrine was on the part of Dr. Baro, the Lady Margaret's Divinity professor at Cambridge. He was a learned Frenchman, Peter Baro Stempanus, a licentiate of Civil Law in the university of Bourges, admitted to his professorship in 1575, having the great lord Burleigh for his patron; D.D. of the university of Cambridge 1576. He gave offence to the university by some antipredestinarian opinions delivered in his lectures upon Jonah. And upon this occasion Dr. Whitaker drew up the Lambeth Articles in November 1595. That same year, on the 5th May, William Barrett, a fellow of Caius College, was cited to appear before the Heads of Houses for an Act sermon for his degree of B.D. preached on the 29th April. He had maintained that no man could be assured in this life of his own salvation but by revelation, that the faith of all men could fail, that therefore the assurance of final perseverance was both proud and wicked ; that there was no distinction in faith (such as between a true and living and a dead faith), but in the persons believing ; that no man could or ought to believe that his sins were forgiven; that sin is the first cause of reprobation; that Calvin lifted up
1 Bp. Kaye's Sermons and Addresses, p. 566. London, 1856.
2 Episc. Winton. dc Articn.li* Judiciwn, pp. 32, 33. 1692. (Oxenden Yice- Chfino. of Cambridge.)
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himself above Grod; adding contumelious language against Peter Martyr, Beza, Zanchius, Junius and others, and calling them Calvinists. He was compelled to read a retractation, but evinced symptoms of unwillingness immediately after so doing • departed the university, joined the Church of Rome, and returned to England, where, adds Fuller, in his History of the University of Cambridge, he led a layman's life until the day of his death.1
To settle these contentions Dr. Whitaker drew up nine Articles, and these were laid before Whitgift the primate, to whom the university deputed Whitaker and Dr. Humphrey Tyndall, president of Queens' College and dean of Ely, to represent the state of the controversy. Whitaker was ad mitted in his own age to be inferior in learning and acumen to none of his contemporaries. Bellarmine himself so re spected his learning that he placed his portrait in his study. He was born in 1547, the first year of Edward VI., at the manor of Holme in the parish of Burnley. Holme is situated between Burnley and Todmorden, and to the east of Blackburn. Having been first educated probably at Burnley, he was sent for to London by his maternal uncle, that accomplished scholar and theologian, Alexander Nowell, the composer of the smaller and also of the greater Catechism of the Church of England, recently edited both by the present able Regius Divinity professor at Oxford, Dr. Jacobson, and by the Parker Society. Dean Nowell placed his nephew at St. Paul's School. Thence he was sent to Trinity College, Cambridge, and was elected to a fellowship in that noble foundation. He translated his uncle's larger catechism into Greek. He now applied himself to the study of theology, and his voluminous works bear ample testimony to the depth of his patristic and general erudition. He was accordingly appointed at the early age of thirty-three to succeed Dr. William Chaderton, bishop of Chester and afterwards of Lincoln, as Regius professor of Divinity in his university. When the mastership of St. John's College, Cambridge, became vacant by the promotion of Dr. John Howland to
1 pp. 284 — 286, Fuller's Hist, of the Univ. of Cambridge. Camb. 1840.
E2
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the see of Peterborough, who was consecrated at Lambeth February 7th, 1585, Whitaker was, by special mandate from the queen, admitted to the mastership on the 25th February, 1586, Rowland being permitted to retain the mastership a year after his consecration.
Whitgift wrote to Dr. Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, and formerly a fellow of Trinity (Whitgift's) College. Hutton hereupon drew up a Latin summary of Predestination, taken especially from St. Augustine. On November 10th, Dr. Fletcher, Bishop of Worcester, and now Bishop elect of London, Dr. Eichard Vaughan, Bishop elect of Bangor, trans lated two years after to Chester, and thence, on Bancroft's promotion to the primacy, to London, and some other divines met Whitaker, Tyndall, and Whitgift at Lambeth, and the bishops agreed upon the Articles after some few alterations. It was designed to enforce subscription to them, but the queen resented it as a violation of her prerogative.
In 1651 a brief history of these Articles was published, and annexed to them two minor treatises purporting to be the judgment of Andrewes upon them and his censure of the censure of Barrett. Dr. Andrewes had been for some years chaplain to Whitgift, and was doubtless already known as one of the most learned theologians of the age.
In his review of the nine articles he first remarks, u The four first articles are concerning predestination and reprobation, of which it is said by the Apostle, 0 the depth, and by the Prophet, a great deep. (Rom. xi. 33, Psalm xxxvi. 6.)" Here we may observe that Andrewes follows St. Augustine, who in like manner refers that wonderful conclusion of the llth chapter of the epistle to the Romans to these mysteries.
Then Dr. Andrewes acknowledges that he has followed the counsel of St. Augustine, and abstained from the time of his ordination (sixteen years) from disputing and from preaching upon these points. And considering the great danger of abuse, and that but few of the clergy can skilfully handle these subjects, and that very few are competent to hear of them with profit, he would advise that silence should be enjoined on both sides.
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The first article affirmed that God from all eternity had predestinated some to life, and had reprobated others. Upon this he notes : tl That there are in the mind of God, in that his eternal (whether one may call it foreknowledge or) know ledge by which he sees those things which are not as though they were, some who are predestinate, others who are repro bate, I think is beyond all doubt. They are the words of Scripture, before the foundation of the world, that is, that God chose us from eternity, and, when he had chosen, predesti nated us, Ephes. i. 4, 5 ; and that he chose us out of the world, John xv. 19; wherefore, he chose not all that are in the world, but some. Otherwise there would be no election."
Here we may observe that whereas in the antipredesti- narian sense all are predestinate alike, though to different ends, Andrewes uses the term of the elect alone. Secondly, in John xv. 9, he supposes that Judas was excluded, which is certain indeed, for the words were not spoken until after he had left the Apostles. Thirdly, he applies this place to predestination unto life, in which again he follows St. Augustine, but not so those who here leave that father and accuse him of being tainted with Manichasism.
Then Andrewes proceeds to justify from Scripture the use of the term reprobate, but advises that it should be expressed that these are predestinated through Christ, those reprobate on account of sin. And here there has arisen a strife of words, it having been sometimes objected to Calvin and to Augustine that they deny that sin is the cause of reprobation, and resolve all into the mere pleasure or decree of God. The truth is that if there were no sin there could be no rejection; and again it is equally true that if God had determined to include all in the num ber of the elect, there had been no rejection. Both Calvin and Augustine therefore teach that men are repro bated as sinners, and that reprobation follows naturally upon a decree of election. And so Dr. Andrewes adds, " But those whom he chose not and by choosing approved (as the nature of election carries with it) he reprobated. And
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scripture uses the words rejecting (Rom. xi. 2), reprobating (Heb. xii. 15)."
The second article is : " The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life, is not foresight of faith, or of perseverance, or of good works, or of anything that is in the person predestinated, but only the good-will and pleasure of God."
Dr. Andrewes advised the addition " of God in Christ"; for that first God had respect to his beloved Son, " but not to us first (as some think) and to him last, and that for our sakes. For we could not be predestinated to the adoption of sons but in his natural son, nor could we be predestinated to be conformed to the image of his Son, unless first the Son be ordained to whose image we are to be con formed. Wherefore I would also add to this article l the good- will of God in Christ.' ''
Next he expresses his disapproval of the separation of the divine prescience from the divine predestination. This indeed sounds to modern ears antipredestinarian ; but let the explanation be received, and the proposition that the will of God includes bold foreknowledge and fore-ordination will be seen to be at once perfectly compatible with the belief of predestination.
" Next it may be enquired in the second place, whether this sole will of God's good pleasure includes or excludes his foreknowledge. I at least think that these two, namely foreknowledge and fore-ordination, are by no means to be severed, but to be joined (as do the Apostles). Neither do I here dare presumptuously to advance my own opinion, or to condemn the Fathers, who for the most part affirm that we are elected and predestinated according to fore knowledge of faith, as Beza himself confesses on 11 Horn. 2 ed., f Here the Fathers are by no means to be heard who refer this to foresight.'' But in this (as it always appeared to me) they speak rather of the series and order which God observes in the act of predestinating, than of the cause of predesti nation. But the chain some are wont to form in this way, others in that, as seems best to them. The Fathers seem
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to me to have been of this opinion, that there could be no election if it were not thus connected : first that God loves Christ, then us in Christ • which the Apostle saith, that he accepts us in the beloved (Ephes. i. 6) ; secondly, that he confers on us so accepted grace and faith • thirdly, that he elects us thus endowed and thus differenced (discretes) from the rest* fourthly, that he predestinates us who are elect."
tl Certainly the nature of election requires this, as it cannot be nor can be conceived, where there is no difference whatsoever between him who is chosen and him who is re jected. So GEcumenius, after the opinion of the Greeks, p. 323 : When he saith) according to election, he shews that he dis tinguished between them, for no person chooses one from another unless there is some difference in him. So Augustine to Simplician, 1, 2 : But election does not precede justification (foreseen) but justification election. For no one is chosen unless already differing from him who is rejected • whence I cannot see how God can be said to have chosen us before the foundation of the world but by foreknowledge.
" Nor otherwise the schoolmen : Thorn. 1st, Q. 23, Act 4. ' Predestination presupposes election, and election love? That is, first he made them to be chosen, then he chose them; he loved them that he might endow them ; he chose the gifts that he conferred. And this seems to me to be the opinion of the most reverend archbishop of York [Mr. Button], For thus he : * What did God love from eternity in Jacob when as yet he had done no good thing? certainly that which was his own, that which he purposed to give him.1
u Certainly the Apostle himself does not doubt to join in this article the purpose and the grace given, and that from all eternity, since the grace given could only exist in the divine foreknowledge : that isj together with the eternal purpose of God, he foresaw before all time the grace itself also which he would give.1
u Nor does any inconvenience result hence (as I can see)
ae-
1 2 Tim. i. 9 : Who hath saved us, and called us with an holy calling, not cording to our works, but according to his own purpose and grace, which was given us in Christ Jesus before the world began.
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if God, that he may crown his own gifts in us, thus chooses his own gifts in us, to wit the things which he gave first by loving us, that afterward he might choose them thus given. And so both love, which is the act of grace by which God makes a difference, and election, which is the act of judgment by which he chooses those who are thus dis tinguished, are preserved. And thus election will remain.
" For the chain of the moderns plainly takes away all election, by which chain God is made to appoint these to salvation and those to eternal perdition by the first act and that absolute, together and at once, neither considered as existing together in any similar condition [nee in ulla massa] nor in any way distinguished one from another by his own gifts : after which destination, what place there is for election I cannot understand, or how this destination itself can be called election.
" But this whole question, as I said, is rather of the order in which God proceeds, in our conception of things who know but in part, than of the cause as respects the act itself, which is in God one and that perfectly simple; or if of the cause, it ought not to be understood of the cause of the first act, but of the cause as respects the integral effect in predestinating (as it is called).
11 It is enquired also whether the integral act (in our conception) is made up of several acts, or whether the first is the sole act? and if they are many and diverse, what is the order, what the chain of acts ?
" Predestination, which cannot be without foreknowledge, is not but of good works. (Aug. de Proudest. Sanctorum, c. 10.) They are elect before the foundation of the world by that predestination in which God foresaw his own future acts. (c. 17, § 34.)"
Here we must remark that the first quotation is equivalent to what goes a little before in the chapter from which it is quoted: ' Predestination is the preparation of grace,' i. e. the providing for its being given, ' but grace is the giving itself.'1
1 Inter gratiam porro et prsedestinationem hoc tantum interest, quod prse- destinatio est gratiae prseparatio, gratia vero jam ipsa donatio. (De Prsedestin. Sanctorum, c. 10, § 19.)
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" Will any one, dare to say that God did not foreknow to whom he would grant that they should believe ?" — De Dono Perseverantise, 14, § 35, and c. 17 passim.
The third article is, that the number of the predestinate is certain, and can neither be increased nor diminished. Dr. Andrewes here only notes that they are the very words of St. Augustine at the beginning of the third chapter of his Book De Correptione et Gratia, and adds to these a passage from Prosper de Vocatione Gentium, but citing it under the name of St. Ambrose, to whom it was sometimes but erroneously attributed.
The fourth article is : " Those who are not predestinated to salvation shall be necessarily condemned for their sins." He would have the word necessarily as being a new mode of expression changed to without doubt.
The fifth article is : "A true, living, and justifying faith and the Spirit of God sanctifying is not extinguished, does not fail and come to naught in the elect either totally or finally."
Andrewes remarks upon this : " No one ever said (I be lieve) that faith fails finally in the elect. It does not then fail. But that it does not fail, arises, I think, from the nature of its subject, not from its own ; from the privilege of the person, not of the thing. And this on account of apostates, who ought not to be condemned on the ground of their falling away from a faith which was never a true and living faith.
" But whether the Holy Spirit can be taken away or ex tinguished for a time, I think may yet be enquired into. I confess that I am in doubt.
"Or FAITH.
u Thou standest ly faith: Be not highminded, but fear ; otherwise thou also shalt be cut off, Rom. xi. 20, 22. Is not this an unmeaning precept, if faith cannot fail ?
" 1. Beware lest ye also, being led away with the error of the wicked, fall from your own steadfastness, 2 Pet. iii. 17.
u 2. Look that no man fail of the grace of God, Heb. xii. 15. Ye are fallen from grace who are in the law, Gal. v. 4.1 1 Some of these passages are not quoted accurately.
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" 3. Take not thy Holy Spirit from me. Psalm li. 13.
U4. Quench not the Spirit, 1 Thess. v. 19.
" On what ground can it be shewn that these prayers and precepts are not a mere mockery, if we can in no way fall from the firmness of our faith, or fail of grace, if the Spirit could in no way be taken away or extinguished ?
u Although I am not ignorant that this [cannot be lost totally] can be so interpreted, as that it cannot be utterly altogether or entirely, although it may be lost as a whole, that is, so lost as that no room shall be left of returning thither whence they have fallen."
Bivetus, who was contemporaneous with the Synod of Dort, thus expressed himself in his thesis on Final Perse verance — that those who once had true faith could not become enemies to God, or utter infidels.1 The same is the explica tion which Hooker gives of the indefectibility of faith, in his second sermon, in which he observes : ll Directly to deny the foundation of faith is plain infidelity ; where faith is entered, there infidelity is for ever excluded : therefore by him which hath once sincerely believed in Christ, the foundation of Christian faith can never be directly denied."2 The Synod of Dort, if candidly judged by its own admissions, will be admitted to intend no more than that which was affirmed by Hooker, however it may use greater ambiguity of expression when it speaks of the predestinate not falling from the grace of adoption, the condition of justification."3 Its meaning is that God still deals with them as his children • he does not utterly take his lovingkindness from them, but as he did not leave Peter to himself after he had denied him, so neither does he leave them. To say that he sees no sin in them in their departures from him, is not less contrary to the Synod of Dort4 itself than it is to both reason and religion.
And thus understood we see that Andrewes himself allowed
1 Fidem etiam amittere et gratia excidere eatenus negamus, ita nimirum ut infideles fiant et Deo hostes. — Synojms Theologia:, p. 417. Lugd. Bat. 1625.
2 Hooker's Works, vol. ii. p. 630. Oxford, 1845.
3 Cat. 5, Canon 6. Niemeyer's Confess. Collect.
4 Canon 5,
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the Lambeth article maintaining that the elect never totally fall from grace. And this is clearly consistent with both those exhortations and prayers which are adapted in Holy Scripture to the weakness of our mortal nature, by reason of which we cannot always stand upright, as we confess in the Collect for the Fourth Sunday after Epiphany • a collect derived from Gregory the Great, himself a follower of St. Augustine. If indeed it is but just to admit an opponent to explain his own terms, we may see from Bishop Morton's reply to Dean White in the Conferences concerning Montague's works, that the falling from the grace of justification (itself a sufficiently ambiguous term) was intended to denote, the total and irre versible loss of the divine favour.1
The sixth article was, Of the assurance of salvation: "A truly faithful man, that is, one who is endowed with justifying faith, is certain, with the conviction [plerophoria] of faith, of the remission of his sins, and of his eternal salvation through Christ." Andrewes would have substituted for the assurance of faith the assurance of hope, on the ground that we had not the same certainty of a conditionate as of a purely categorical proposition. To this however may be opposed St. Paul's conviction of security in the approach of death, in the fourth chapter of his Second Epistle to Timothy, Hence forth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness. Neither is less certainty implied in his Epistle to the Philippians, when he writes, / am in a strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart and to be with Christ j which is far better, (i. 23.)
The seventh article, On the conferring of grace, is as follows :
" Saving grace (gratia salutaris) is not given, communi cated, and granted to all men by which, if they will, they can be saved."
The observations attributed to Andrewes oppose to this that some previous dispositions are not only offered but con ferred upon all men, and that saving grace would be conferred upon all, were they not wanting to it. And to this effect is cited an earlier work of Augustine upon the Creation against
1 Bp. Cosin's Works, vol. ii. pp. 35, 36. Oxford, 1845.
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the Manichgeans, written in A.D. 390, the year before he was ordained priest. These remarks are in harmony with the known opinions of Andrewes' learned contemporary Bishop Overall.
Bishop Andrewes, in his Whit-Sunday Sermon 1612, thus speaks of the operation of the Holy Spirit : " And this (of blowing upon one certain place) is a property very well fitting the Spirit. Ubi vult spirat. To blow in certain places, where itself will ; and upon certain persons, and they shall plainly feel it, and others about them not a whit. There shall be an hundred or more in an auditory; one sound is heard, one breath doth blow : at that instant, one or two and no more ; one here, another there; they shall feel the Spirit, shall be affected and touched with it sensibly: twenty on this side them and forty on that shall not feel it, but sit all becalmed, and go their way no more moved than they came. Ubi vult t) is most true."1
This certainly is not consistent with these anonymous remarks which long after the death of Andrewes were put forth in his name. The Remonstrants indeed were desirous of his patronage, and said that they had letters of his which he challenged them to produce.2 He is supposed to have alluded to these strictures on the Lambeth articles in a con versation in 1617, but we know nothing of their history, only that they were published by some person or persons who retained neither the doctrine of Andrewes nor of Overall, but wholly favoured that of the Remonstrants.
The eighth article is : "No man can come unto Christ unless it shall have been given him, and unless the Father shall have drawn him. And all men are not drawn by the Father to come to the Son."
Andrewes, or whosoever the author of these strictures is, adds, " not drawn so as that they come" ; and would have it added, " that the cause of their not being drawn or so drawn is the depraved will of man, not the absolute will of God." This indeed is in harmony with the remarks upon the seventh article.
i pp. 602, 603. 2 Birch's James /. vol. ii. p. 47.
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The ninth article is : a It is not placed in the will or power of every man to be saved."
The suggested form is, lt It is not placed in the free will of any man, saving when made free by the Son, to be saved, or in the power of any, unless it be given him from above." Then, after observing that every one will explain the words in his own sense either by addition or subtraction, the writer recommends silence on both sides, and ends by submitting both himself and his opinions to the judgment of the queen.
Having now given a full view of the scope of the Judgment of the Bishop of Winchester on the Lambeth Articles^ I leave it to the reader to decide upon the authenticity of the Judg ment. It is singular that in the preface to these minor treatises of Andrewes and Overall (if indeed they are theirs), no allusion is made to them, no account is given of the manner in which they were transferred to the hands of the editor; only they are annexed to Ellis's Defence of the Thirty-nine Articles ; the theology of which is not even that of Overall, as it observes, and truly according to the doctrine of St. Augustine, that men are said to cooperate in respect of subsequent, not of preventing grace.1
The Judgment upon the Lambeth Articles is followed by the Censure of the Censure of Barrett. It relates simply to one point, the question whether the justified ought to feel certain of their salvation, or in other words, that they shall persevere to the end. Andrewes probably was not the author of this censure. It is written with a degree of warmth in favour of Barrett which Andrewes was not likely to have evinced. Neither does it embrace more than one of many points for which Barrett was censured. It is ques tionable whether Andrewes would have denied that to some at least the Spirit gave an assurance that he would abide with them for ever. Of his so abiding and working in the soul to the end, he thus speaks in his Whit- Sunday Sermon 1620, above twenty years after the date of these pieces published iu 1600. " How take we notice of the Spirit? How knew they the angel was come down into 1 p. 43. 4th edit. Amsterdam, 1700.
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the pool of Bethesda, but by the stirring aud moving of the water? So by stirring up in us spiritual motions, holy purposes and desires, is the Spirit's coming known. Specially if they do not vanish again. For if they do, then was it some other flatuous matter which will quiver in the veins, (and unskilful people call it the life-blood), but the Spirit it was not. The Spirit's motion, the pulse, is not for a while and then ceaseth, but it is perpetual, holds as long as life holds, though intermittent some time for some little space."1 That the Holy Spirit never utterly forsakes the elect, but that they " have that grace which excludeth sin from reigning, and that this grace once had by them is never totally nor finally lost," is affirmed by Field in his Book of the Church, and, after his manner, explained with a clear ness and minuteness that will enable the reader to judge fully of the grounds of his opinion, and to see the working of the more scholastic minds in that age of intense theological investigation.'2 Field moreover shews that these are at least no new opinions, but to be found in the works of the cele brated Hugo de Sancto Victore in the twelfth century, and in those of John Duns Scotus in the fourteenth. Even some amongst the members of the Romish communion have con fessed that Calvin and Augustine were substantially agreed, as may be seen in the 399th chapter of the fourth book of John James Hottinger's Fata Doctrine de Prcedestinatione et Gratia Dei salutari?
1 Sermons, p. 742.
2 Book of the Church, pp. 833, 834. Oxford. 3rd edition. 2 Zurich, 1727, p. 421.
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CHAPTER V.
Dr. Andrewes* Sermon on the Love of Souls, Good Friday 1597. — Andrewes refuses two Bishoprics, 1598 — Preaches before the Queen on Ash- Wednesday. — Sermon on the Eucharist — On Justification — St. Paul and St. James — On the power of Absolution — On tance.
THE learned Whitaker on his return from Lambeth took cold which turned to fever and brought him speedily to his happy and peaceful but early end, on the 4th of December 1595, in his forty-seventh year. He was buried on the 10th, Dr. Goad the Vice-chancellor, provost of King's College, preaching the funeral sermon at the university church, and Eobert, afterwards Sir Eobert, Naunton, the Public Orator, delivering a funeral oration in Latin. Dr. John Overall, fellow of Trinity College, was elected to his professorship.
Overall had maintained a middle way between the theology of his times and that of the Antipredestinarians. He taught that God vouchsafed a certain measure of grace to all men, but secured salvation to the elect by a still more abundant measure. He taught that some had true faith and grace for a time and then fell away, but that those who are believers, who are included in the divine decree of election, cannot either totally or finally fall or perish, but by a special and efficacious grace so persevere in a true and lively faith, that at length they are brought to eternal life. This he maintained at the Hampton Court Conference.1 He complained that some
1 Cardwell's Conferences on the Book of Common Prayer, Second edition, p. 186. Oxf. 1841.
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had exaggerated the doctrine of the indefectibility of faith, and had denied that the elect upon the commission of the greatest sins were ipso facto subject to the divine wrath and in a state of damnation until they repented. Overall was neither altogether a follower of Augustine nor of Calvin, but partly borrowed from Ambrose Catharinus, who taught that some were saved by special, others by their right use of common grace. Catharine of Sienna, archbishop of Conza, maintained at the same time in the Council of Trent, and afterwards in his writings, that the righteous might be certain of their justification. He also maintained that the inward intention of the minister was not requisite to the validity of the Sacraments.1 Overall's system has been given from two of the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, by the Rev. Wm. Goode, in his Effects of Infant Baptism? Overall and others after him have adduced St. Augustine as teaching that some have true faith and grace for a while, and yet fall away, whilst to the elect salvation is secured by the gift of final perseverance. There are a few passages in his works which favour this opinion, but of the principal of these the authen ticity is not universally admitted, and it is certain that in his Tractatus in Joannem and some other of his Treatises he maintains the contrary. The reader may see these passages fully given by Dr. John Forbes, in the 20th chapter of the eighth Book of his Instruction's Historico-TJieologicce?
On Sunday April 4, 1596, Andrewes preached before the court at Greenwich. This sermon, from 2 Cor. xii. 15, is upon the love of souls, ( soul-love,' and upon the love of Christ to us. Nothing can excel the fervour, the tender ness, and the truly Christian charity that distinguish this truly apostolical discourse. O that all who profess to admire this venerable father and prelate of our Church would read, and that not once but often, the divine instruction, the paternal charge which he here has left to posterity, a savour of holy love never to fail. He shews how it was the love of Christ
1 See Du Pin.
2 2nd edit. Lond. 1850. pp. 127—133.
3 And see also 1. 8, c. 25, § 16.
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that kindled in St. Paul such a love of souls, a love indeed copied from his. This love, a love not to be overcome by unkindness, this he reminds us is the only true Christian love; and what is all to that love of Christ which loved us not as but more than his own life? He hath chartged the rule of the law ; no longer is it, Thou shalt love thy neigh- lour as thyself, but, as 1 have loved you. " And if St. Paul were loved when he raged and breathed blasphemy against Christ and his name, is it much if, for Christ's sake, he swallow some unkindness at the Corinthians' hands? Is it much, if we let fall a duty upon them, upon whom God the Father droppeth his rain, and God the Son drops, yea sheds his blood,— upon evil and unthankful men?1"
On the 14th October died the bishop of Salisbury, Dr. John Coldwell. He was the first married bishop of Salisbury after the Eeformation. His name was also spelt Gold well. He was B. A. of St. John's College, Cambridge, 1554 ; M.A. 1558, and M.D. 1564. He was in 1571 made archdeacon of Chichester whilst Curteis the late dean was bishop of that see. He resigned this dignity in 1575. On the death of Dr. Thomas Willoughby^ean of Rochester and preben dary of Canterbury, he was preferred to the deanery, and installed 26th September, 1582.
After the see of Salisbury had been kept vacant three years, on the translation of Dr. John Piers to York, Coldwell was consecrated to Sarum, December 26th, 1591, at Lambeth by Whitgift, assisted by Aylmer bishop of London, Cowper bishop of Winchester, Fletcher bishop of Bristol, and Under bill bishop of Oxford. Dying October 14, 1596, he was buried in Salisbury Cathedral, in the same grave where bishop Wyville had been buried in 1484. Andrewes de clined the vacant see, as he would not impoverish it.
On Good-Friday, March 25th, 1597, Dr. Andrewes preached before the court, from Zech. xii. 10, And they shall look upon me whom they have pierced; and set forth our Saviour's sufferings in a discourse never perhaps surpassed but by himself.
p. 331.
F
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There have not been wanting some who have ventured to affirm that our Lord endured suffering equal to what the redeemed would otherwise have endured ; that in short he suffered the pains of hell itself. Others again have gone into" a contrary extreme, and have explained away our Lord's words on the cross, My God, My God, why hast thou forsaken me? More piously and cautiously our learned and devout preacher : " It is the soul's complaint ; and therefore, without all doubt, his soul within him was pierced and suffered, though not that which (except charity be allowed to ex pound it) cannot be spoken without blasphemy ; not so much, (God forbid!) yet much, and very much; and much more than others seem to allow, or how much, it is dangerous to define." 1
He was invited to attend the annual election and exami nation at Merchant Taylors' School, but did not go. There was present its venerable patron, Dr. Gabriel Goodman, dean of Westminster. Mr. William Juxon, afterward archbishop Juxon, made a Latin oration.2
Juxon was born at Chichester of a good family. He was the son of Kichard Juxon of^hat city. From Merchant Taylors' School he succeeded to a fellowship at St. John's College, Oxford. He applied himself to the law, and was a student of Gray's Inn about 1603 ; but afterwards, taking orders, was in 1609 instituted to the vicarage of St. Giles' Oxford, in the gift of his College. Buckeridge was at that time president of St. John's College, and Laud was electee to succeed Buckeridge in that office 10th May, 1611, Bucke ridge being then bishop elect of Rochester. With Lauc Juxon contracted an intimate friendship. He was also sometime rector of Somerton to the south-east of Deddington in Oxfordshire, where his coat-of-arms was, if it is not still in the east window of the chancel. When Laud was made bishop of St. David's in 1621, Juxon was elected president o St. John's on the 29th December, appointed to the deanery of Worcester in 1628, when Dr. Joseph Hall was made bishop
1 p. 337.
2 Dr. Wilson's Hist, of Merchant Taylors' School, vol. i. p. 126.
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of Exeter, and* in 1633 was bishop elect of Hereford, but consecrated to the see of London. Laud was his friend with the king, who made him in 1632 Clerk of the closet. In 1635 he was constituted Lord High Treasurer. This pro duced great envy amongst the courtiers, as no ecclesiastic had held that office since the reign of Henry VII. He re signed it in 1641. He attended his sovereign on the scaffold, and afterward retired to his manor of Little Compton in Gloucestershire, but close upon Oxford and Worcestershires. He was raised to the see of Canterbury in 1660, and died at Lambeth June 20th, 1663, aged 81. He was a most munificent prelate, of great patience and moderation.
Bishop Buckeridge relates in his funeral sermon for Andrewes, that " when the bishoprics of Ely and Salisbury were void, and some things were to be pared from them, some overture being made to him to take them, he refused them utterly. If it please you," adds Buckeridge, "I will make his answer for him, Nolo episcopari, and I will not be made a bishop, because I will not alienate bishops' lands." This was probably in A.D. 1598, when Dr. Henry Cotton was pro moted to the see of Sarum, .and not long after Dr. Heton to that of Ely, who in 1609 was succeeded by Andrewes at that time bishop of Chichester. On June 16th Andrewes, as prebendary of St. Pancras, presented Harsnet, also of Pem broke Hall, to the vicarage of Chigwell in Essex.
In June he resumed his lectures on the third chapter of Genesis at St. Giles', Cripplegate, after an interval of about seven years.
On Sunday, October 1, before the administration of the Holy Communion, he preached at St. Giles', from Isaiah vi. 6, applying the passage as typical of Christ by whom alone our iniquities are taken away, and especially to the Holy Eucharist in which the remission of sins is dispensed ; wherefore, as he observes, in the ancient church at the celebration of the Com munion, the priest stood up and said as the seraph doth here, ' Behold this hath touched your lips ; your iniquity shall be taken away, and your sin purged.'1 And here he does not
1 Posthumous and Orphan Lectures, p. .51; 5. F2
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deny, as do some who speak much of him, the assurance of forgiveness of past sins to those who come with true faith to this holy sacrament. It was his custom to speak most patristically of the Eucharist, but he calls the participation a spiritual feeding.1
On October 15th he preached from Matthew vi. 1, against desire of vainglory. He said excellently, " God hath given us the joys and use of all his creatures, but reserveth the glory of them to himself. Therefore the apostle saith, Do all to the glory of God; for though he giveth us the use of all things, yet, My glory will I not give to another"*
On Sunday, December 3rd, he preached from 2 Peter i. 9. In this sermon he thus treats of justification. " At the first the doctrine of faith in Christ was hardly received ; for men thought to be saved only by works : and when they had once received it, they excluded the doctrine of good works. All the difficulty that St. Paul found in the work of his ministry was to plant faith, and to persuade men that we are justified before God by faith in Christ without the works of the law. But St. Peter and St. James met with them that received the doctrine of faith fast enough, but altogether neglected good works. But because both are necessary, therefore St. Paul in all his Epistles joins the doctrine of faith with the doctrine of works. This is a faithful saying, and to be avouched^ that they which believe in God, be careful to shew forth good works? Therefore with the doctrine of the grace of God, he joins the doctrine of the careful bringing forth of good works. The saving grace of God hath appeared, and teacheth us to deny ungodliness and worldly lusts, and to live soberly and right eously and godly in this world. The doctrine of grace is not rightly apprehended, until we admit of the doctrine of good works. Wilt thou know, 0 man, that faith is dead without works? Was not Abraham our -father justified by works, when he offered his son Isaac? Therefore St. Peter saith, that is no true faith which is not accompanied with virtue and godliness of life. It is true that good works have no power to work justification, because they do not contain a perfect
i Posthumous and Orphan Lectures, p. 521. 2 Ibid. p. 524. a Titus iii. 8.
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righteousness. And inasmuch as they are imperfect, there belongs the curse of God unto them : Cursed is he that con- tinueth not in all things, &c. (Gal. iii.) So far are they from justifying, but yet they are tokens of justification. God had respect unto Abel and to his sacrifice. (Gen. iv.) God first looked upon his person, and then upon his sacrifice. For before the person be justified, his works are not accepted in God's sight. The best works if they proceed not of faith are sin. Our Saviour saith, No branch can bring forth fruit of itself, except it abide in the vine. Therefore if we do any good works, they proceed from our incision and engrafting into Christ, by whom they are made acceptable unto God.
" Paul saith, Abraham was justified by faith before works, not when he was circumcised, but when he was uncircumcised. But James saith, Abraham our father was justified by works. To reconcile the apostles we must know, that the power of justification which is spoken of in Paul is effective, but that which James speaketh of is declarative. It -was Abraham's faith that made him righteous, and his works did only declare him to be justified. Therefore Paul saith, that albeit good works have no power to justify, yet they are good and profit able for men. For they declare our justification which is by faith ; and by them we make ourselves sure of our calling and election."1
On the Sunday after Christmas-day, December 31, he preached from John viii. 56, Your father Abraham rejoiced to see my day, and he saw it, and was glad. From the same words he preached before king James on Christmas-day 1613. Whosoever will carefully compare the two discourses will find that although the earlier is divided similarly with the latter, and some passages are common to both, yet they are far from being the same, and the parochial is by no means inferior to the court sermon, nay has some advantage over it ; although of it we have but notes, those notes however very copious.2
On the Sunday after Epiphany, January 7, 1598, he dis coursed learnedly and with a fertility of illustration peculiarly his own, upon Psalm xlvii. 10, The princes of the people are
1 Posthumous and Orphan Lectures, pp. 544, 545. 2 Ibid. 550 — 555.
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gathered together, even the people of the God of Abraham: for the shields of the earth belong unto God: he is greatly exalted. The Epiphany he calls Christ's second nativity ; u for as he was born at Bethlehem of his mother the Virgin, so hath he another birth foretold by the prophet, I will think of Eahab and Babylon; behold Palestina, Tyrus, and Ethiopia, lo! there is he born, Psalm Ixxxvii. 4.
" This," he saith, " God hath from all times revealed, that the gate of faith should be opened to the Gentiles to enter into the flock of Christ. This was shewed by Abraham's matching with Keturah a Gentile ; by Moses matching him self with Zipporah a Midianite and a Gentile; by Solomon matching with Pharaoh's daughter; as in the genealogy of Christ's birth Solomon is matched with Eahab, Boaz with Kuth, to signify that Christ should save both Jews and Gentiles. The same was shewed by the stuff whereof the tabernacle was made; by the first temple which was built upon the ground of Araunah a Gentile, with timber sent by Hiram a Gentile; and by the second temple which was founded by Cyrus and Artaxerxes, heathen princes."
On March 23, 1598, Andrewes succeeded Bishop Bancroft in the eleventh stall at Westminster.
On Friday, February 2, 1599, being the festival of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin, he preached at his parish- church of St. Giles', from the history of Hannah, 1 Sam. xxvii. 28. The presentation of Samuel, and Samuel himself, he regards as typical of our Lord; and indeed the great similarity of the song of Hannah and of that of the Virgin, the miraculous birth as of Christ, so in a manner of Samuel, and the meeting of the triple office of prophet, priest, and king in Samuel, together with the singular inoffensiveness and purity of his character, and his love to the unthankful, all most amply vindicate the typical application of this history to our Lord as the fulfilment, the true Samuel of the Israel of God.1
On the following Sunday, being the administration of the
1 This sermon is one of the best of those that are contained in the Posthumous Lectures. See pp. 565—572.
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Holy Communion, he preached excellently upon our conflict with the old serpent, from Rev. ii. 7, To Mm that overcometh will I give to eat of the tree of life which is in the midst of the Paradise of God.1
On the 21st of the same month, being Ash- Wednesday, and the time that the earl of Essex was setting out on the Irish expedition, Dr. Andrewes, being one of the Queen's chaplains, preached before her at Richmond from those most seasonable words, When thou goest out with the host against thine enemies , keep theefrom all wickedness? Having treated of the justifiableness of war both offensive and defensive, quoting to this purpose the Septuagint version of the text, and alleging Jacob's war to win from the Amorite with his sword and bow,3 he shewed the folly of trusting in human power, from the defeat in the valley of Achor; he urged the need of the prayer of the prophet and of the priest, from the intercession of Moses whereby Israel prevailed over Amalek; and the utter inconsistency of those who were themselves in rebellion against God going forth to punish rebels. Nor did he fail to point out most plainly how peace was the blessing, war the scourge of God. Towards the end he adduced the exemplary fidelity of Uriah as an ex ample to all in like manner to forbear, now of all times especially, from sin.4
On Friday, August 24, St. Bartholomew's day, he preached at his own church, Cripplegate, on the assurance of hope ; nor can any one who is familiar with his writings fail to recognize him throughout.5
We find him, according to his custom on all holy days, preaching at his parish-church on St. Michael's day, Saturday, September 29, from Eev. xii. 7, 8; a sermon displaying, as we have seen in some former instances, his eminent patristic learning. He shews that Christ cannot be the Michael of the heavenly host, for that he is called ' one of the first princes,'6 but Christ is the King of Kings.7
1 Posthumous lectures, pp. 572—578. 2 Deut. xxiii. 9.
3 Gen. xlviii. 22. * 2 Sam. xi. 11.
5 Posthumous Lectures, pp. 578 — 080. fi Dan. x. 13. 7 p. 588.
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He notices, and very largely, the conjecture of the Fathers, that the fallen angels would not submit to adore Christ in our nature, and to see our nature exalted above their own.1 He forgets not to remind his congregation of the war in which they themselves ought to be engaged, assured that the enemy shall not prevail over those who faithfully resist him. He touches also upon that reverence we ought to have of the presence of the angels as well in the house of God2 as at other times.
On Sunday, October 7, being the celebration of the holy Eucharist, he preached from those most gracious and divine words of our Lord, All that the Father giveth me shall come to me • and him that cometh to me I ivill in no wise cast out.3 il Howsoever," he saith, " a man may know himself to be a sinner, that is, to have an unclean soul, yet he is not to despair, because Christ, by the confession of his enemies, is such an one as doth not only receive sinners, but eats with them ; yea, he not only receiveth them that deserve to be cast out as unworthy to inherit the kingdom, but doth also wash, sanctify, and justify them in his own name and by the Spirit of God."4
Such was the diligence of Dr. Andrewes, that besides preaching on the Festivals and Sundays, he also delivered many of his lectures this year upon Genesis on other week-days.
In A. D. 1600, on March 30, Low-Sunday, he preached at Whitehall his well-known discourse upon the power of absolution, from John xx. 23. He maintained from these words a ministerial power of absolution granted to the Apostles, not as apostles but as ministers of Christ, and from them derived to all others ; " yet not so that absolutely without them God cannot bestow it on whom or when he pleaseth ; or that he is bound to this means only and cannot work without it. For gratia, Dei non alligatur mediis5 [i. e. the grace of God is not tied to means], the grace of God is not bound but free, and can work without means either of word or sacrament; and as
1 Posthumous Lectures, p. 591. 2 1 Cor. 11. 3 John vi. 37.
4 Ibid. p. 596. 5 p. 57, Certain Sermons.
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without means so without ministers, how and when to him seemeth good. But speaking of that which is proper and ordinary, in the course by him established, this is an ecclesi astical act committed as the residue of the ministry of re conciliation to ecclesiastical persons. And if at any time he vouchsafe it by others that are not such, they be in that case ministri necessitatis non officit, in case of necessity ministers, but by office not so." To shew the previous existence of a like power he refers to Job xxxiii. 23, to the priest's being ever a party in sacrifices, and to the prophet Nathan's being commissioned to declare to David the remission of his sin in God's name. He observes that besides this there are divers acts instituted by God and executed by us, which all tend to the remission of sins, namely, the two sacraments, the Word of God itself, and prayer. The word he interprets of the word preached.
He also treats of the need of the key of knowledge to open to men the true nature of repentance and the works of repentance, which is not only sorrow for sin, but a holy revenge upon ourselves for it, with works of restitution, &c. His doctrine of repentance may indeed be most fully and practically learnt from that little volume which alone might have obtained for his name the veneration of all ages of the Church, his Manual for the Sick.1
He is said to have been called upon to explain himself to the Secretary of state in regard of this sermon, his doctrine being unusual for that time and strange in the ears of his audience. It is observable that it is confessedly imperfect, and deals very much in generalities. His quotation from St. Augustine belongs not to private but to public confession, as both Fulke remarks in his Confutation of the Notes in the Rhemish New Testament,2 and also Dr. John Gerhard in his Confessio Catholica.3 Fulke farther refers his readers to his Confutation of Dr. Aliens Books, Pt. I., from c. 10 to the end.
1 See the beautiful edition of 1674, A Manual of Private Devotions, with a Manual of Directions for the Sick.
2 London, John Bill, 1617, p. 324. 3 Jeme, 1661, torn. 4, p. 58.
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Some would explain the words, Whosesoever sins ye remit they are remitted unto them, and whosesoever sins ye retain they are retained, as though they had been, whosesoever sins ye declare forgiven, when ye preach pardon to the penitent, they shall be forgiven; and whosesoever sins ye declare still unforgiven, because of their unbelief, heaven shall con firm your words. Thus, indeed, Jeremiah and the prophets are said to do what they declare shall be done, (Jer. i. 10), See, I have this day set thee over the nations and over the kingdoms to root out and to pull down, and to destroy and to throw down, to build and to plant, compared with c. xviii. ver. 7.
Andre wes was present on St. Barnabas' Day, June llth, at the annual election and examination at Merchant Taylors' School, and with three other (London?) clergymen, Dr. Grant of the university of Cambridge, master of Westminster School, and Drs. Montford and Hutchinson of the university of Oxford, was appointed to nominate four persons to the Merchant Taylors' Company for the living of St. Martin's, Outwich. A minute account of the proceedings may be found in Dr. Wilson's History of Merchant Taylors' School, in which he has done ample justice to the memory of Andre wes, and that with no small industry and ability.
Dr. Thomas Montford, or Mountfort, was the son of John Mountfort of Norwich. He was of the university of Oxford, was admitted to the rectory of Anstey near Barkway, Jan. 25, 1584. On May 26, 1585, he was made prebendary of the first stall, Westminster, took the degree of D.D. at Oxford July 4, 1588, and on March 24, 1596, was admitted to the stall of Harleston in St. Paul's, and became a canon residentiary on the presentation of the queen. On May 7, 1602, he was collated to the vicarage of St. Martin-in-the-fields by bishop Bancroft, and in 1612 appears to have been also rector of St. Mary-at-hill near St. Dunstan's in the East. He died Feb. 27, 1631, and was buried in the chancel of Tewing near Welwyn, of which also he had (according to Newcourt) been rector. His son John succeeded to the rectory of Anstey on the presentation of Charles I., having before been made pre-
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bendary of Sneating in the church of St. Paul by bishop King, 14 Nov. 1618. He was presented by Trinity College to the vicarage of Ware, Herts. 1633, but held it only for about a year. He was ejected from Anstey in 1643.
Dr. Edward Grant was master of Westminster School, prebendary of the sixth stall at Ely 1589, rector of Barnet in Middlesex and Tatsfield near Godstone in Surrey, vicar of Benfleet in Essex and Foulsham in Norfolk, prebendary of the twelfth stall at Westminster, 27 May, 1577. He died in October 1601, and was buried in the abbey, but no memorial was erected for him there.
Dr. Kalph Hutchinson was archdeacon of St. Alban's.
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CHAPTER VI.
Andrewes1 Sermon on Justification, 1600.
ON November 23rd Dr. Andre wes preached at Whitehall1 his celebrated sermon on Justification, for a more copious notice of which no apology will be required.
This sermon is a very ample dissertation upon Jer. xxiii. 6, This is the name whereby they shall call him, the Lord our
tJ tJ
Righteousness. First he shews how this is the chief of names in the account of God himself. God is salvation and peace, but both these are branches of this name and effects of it. He then remarks that this name is peculiar to our Lord. Others are said to do, he alone to be righteousness. u Nor is this (he adds) a question of names merely. The name of God has virtue in it. By the name of Christ we are justified, so St. Paul (1 Cor. vi. 11) ; forgiven, so St. John (I Joh. ii. 12) ; saved, so St. Peter (Acts iv. 12). Now this name is com pounded of three words, Jehova, Justitia, Nostra.
u 1. Of Jehova, touching which word, and the ground why it must be a part of this name, the prophet David resolveth us ; / will make mention, saith he, of thy riqhteousness only.
/ ' t/ €./«./ «y
Because his righteousness and only his righteousness is worth the remembering; and any other's besides his is not meet
1 "Of the royal chapel in Whitehall we know nothing except that it was the scene of various ceremonies in James's reign, as grand marriages and bap tisms. It was hurnt with great part of the palace in 1697, and its walls are prohably now those of the Treasury or a contiguous building. From the time of the fire it was deserted, and the Banqueting-house converted into a chapel." — Nichol's Progresses of James /., vol. ii. p. 212.
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to be mentioned. For, as for our own righteousness which we have without him, Esay telleth us, it is but a defiled cloth, and St. Paul that it is but dung; two very homely comparisons, but they be the Holy Ghost's own, yet nothing so homely as in the original, &e.
"Our own then being no better, we are driven to seek for it elsewhere. He shall receive his righteousness, saith the prophet (Psalm xxiv. 5), and the gift of righteousness, saith the apostle (Eom. v. 17). It is then another, to be given us and to be received by us, which we must seek for. And whither shall we go for it ? Job alone despatcheth this point. Not to the heavens or stars ; for they are unclean in his sight. Not to the saints ; for in them he found folly ; nor to the angels, for neither in them found he any steadfast ness. Now if none of these will serve, we see a necessary reason why Jehova must be a part of this name. And this is the reason why Jeremie, here expressing more fully the name given him before in Esay, Immanuel, God with us, instead of the name of God in that name (which is M), setteth down by way of explanation this name here of Jehova. Because that El and the other names of God are communicated to creatures; as the name of El to angels, for their names end in it ; Michael, Gabriel, &c. And the name of Jah to saints, and their names end in it ; Esaiah, Jeremiah, Zechariah. To certify us therefore that it is neither the righteousness of saints nor angels that will serve the turn, but the righteousness of God and very God, he usetli that name which is proper to God alone ; ever reserved to him only, and never imparted by any occasion to angel or saint, or any creature in heaven or earth.
" Righteousness. Why that ? If we ask, in regard of the other benefits which are before remembered, salvation and peace, why 'righteousness' and not salvation nor peace? it is evident. Because (as in the verse next before the prophet termeth it) < righteousness' is the branch ; and these two, salvation and peace, are the fruits growing on it. So that, if this be had, the other are had with it."
" Jehovah, Kighteousness. For except justice be satisfied,
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and do join in it also [the counsel of salvation], in vain we promise ourselves that mercy of itself shall work our salvation: which may serve for the reason why neither Jehova potentia or Jehova misericordia are enough, but it must be Jehova justitta, and. justitia a part of the name."
u Our. But if he be righteousness, and not only right eousness, but ours too, all is at an end; we have our desires. . . . For if he be, as the Apostle saith, factus nobis, made unto us righteousness, and that so as he becometh ours, what can we have more? What can hinder us, saith St. Bernard, but that we should ' use him and his righteousness ; use that which is ours to our best behoof, and work our salvation out of this our Saviour.'
u And more significant it is by far to say Jehovah our justice, than Jehovah our Justifier. I know St. Paul saith much; that our Saviour Christ shed his blood to shew his righteousness, that he might not only be just, but a justifier of those which are of his faith, Rom. iii. 26. And much more again in that when he should have so said, To him that believeth in God, he chooseth thus to set it down, To him that believeth in him that justifieth the ungodly ; making these two to be all one, God, and the justifier of sinners. Though this be very much, yet certainly this is most forcible, that he is made unto us by God very righteousness itself. (1 Cor. i. 30.) And that yet more, that he is made right eousness to us, that we might be made the righteousness of God in him, 2 Cor. v. 21. Which place St. Chrysostom well weighing, this very word righteousness, saith he, the Apostle useth to express the unspeakable bounty of that gift, that he hath not given us the operation or effect of his righteous ness, but his very righteousness, yea his very self unto us. Mark, saith he, how everything is lively and as full as can be imagined. Christ, one not only that had done no sin, but that had not so much as known any sin, hath God made (not a sinner, but) sin itself; as in another place (not accursed, but) a curse itself; sin in respect of the guilt, a curse in respect of the punishment. And why this? To the end that we might be made (not righteous persons ; that
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was not full enough, but) righteousness itself; and there he stays not yet — and not every righteousness, but the very righteousness of God himself. What can be further said? what can be conceived more comfortable ? To have him ours, not to make us righteous but to make us righteousness, and that not any other but the righteousness of God ; the wit of man can devise no more. And all to this end, that we might see there belongeth a special Ecce to this name, that there is more than ordinary comfort in it ; that therefore we should be careful to honour him with it, and so call him by it, Jehovah our righteousness.
t( There is no Christian man that will deny this name, but will call Christ by it, and say of him that he is Jehova justitia nostra, without taking a syllable or letter from it. But it is not the syllables, but the sense that maketh the name. And the sense is it we are to look unto ; that we keep it entire in sense as well as in sound, if we mean to preserve this name of justitia nostra full and whole unto him. And as this is true, so is it true likewise that even among Christians all take it not in one sense ; but some, of a greater latitude than other. There are that take it in that sense which the prophet Esay hath set down : In Jehova justitia mea, that all our righteous ness is in him, (Isaiah xlv. 24) ; and we to be found in him, not having our own righteousness, but being made the right eousness of God in him. (2 Cor. v. 21.) There are some other, that though in one part of our righteousness thay take it in that sense, yet in another part they shrink it up, and in that make it but a proposition causal, and the interpretation thereof to be, l from Jehova is my righteousness.' Which is true too, whether we respect him as the cause exemplary, or pattern, (for we are to be made conformable to the image of Christ) ;
or whether we respect him as the cause efficient This
meaning then is true and good, but not full enough ; for either it taketh the name in sunder, and giveth him not all, but a part of it alone,1 or else it maketh two senses, which may not be allowed in one name.
" For the more plain conceiving of which point, we are to
1 Alone. The common reading is again.
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be put in mind that the true righteousness (as saith St. Paul) is not of man's device, but hath his witness from the law and the prophets ; which he there proceedeth to shew out of the example first of Abraham and after of David. In the Scrip ture then there is a double righteousness set down; both in the Old and New Testament.
" In the Old, and in the very first place that righteousness is named in the Bible, Abraham believed, and it was accounted unto him for righteousness: a righteousness accounted. And again (in the very next line) it is mentioned, Abraham will teach his house to do righteousness : a righteousness done. In the New likewise. The former, in one chapter (even the fourth to the Eomans), no fewer than eleven times, Eeputatum est illi adjustitiam: a reputed righteousness. The latter in St. John : My beloved, let no man deceive you ; he that doeth righteousness is righteous: a righteousness done, which is nothing else but our own just dealing, upright carriage, honest conversation. Of these, the latter the philosophers themselves conceived and acknowledged; the other is proper to Christians only, and altogether unknown in philosophy. The one is a quality of the party; the other an act of the judge declaring or pronouncing righteous : the one ours by influence or infusion ; the other by account or imputation."
Then he proceeds from the context to fix upon the term the forensic and imputative sense, and observes that the tenor of the Scripture touching our justification all along runneth in judicial terms to admonish us still what to set before us. The usual joining of justice and judgment con tinually all along the Scriptures shew it is a judicial justice we are to set before us. The terms of a judge, It is the Lord that judgeth me, 1 Cor. iv. 4. A prison : kept and shut up under Moses, Gal. iii. 23. A bar : We must all appear before the bar, 2 Cor. v. 10. A proclamation : Who will lay any thing to the prisoner's charge ? Rom. viii. 33. An accuser : The accuser of our brethren, Eev. xii. 10. A witness : Our conscience bearing witness, Horn. ii. 15. An indictment upon these : Cursed is he that continueth not in all the words of the law to do them, Deut. xxvii. 26. And again, He that
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breaketh one is guilty of all, James ii. 10. A conviction : That all may be guilty, or culpable, before God. Yea, the very delivering of our sins under the name of debts ; of the law under the name of a handwriting ; the very terms of an advocate, 1 John ii. 2 ; of a surety made under the law ; of a pardon, or, being justified from those things which by the law we could not; all these wherein for the most part this is still expressed, what speak they but that the sense of this name cannot rightly be understood, nor what manner of righteousness is in question, except we still have before our eyes this same cor am regejustojudiciumfaciente?
" For it is not in question, whether we have our inherent righteousness or no, or whether God will accept it or reward it, but whether that must be our righteousness coram rege justo judicium faciente ; which is a point very material and in nowise to be forgotten. For without this, if we compare our selves with ourselves, what heretofore we have been, or, if we compare ourselves with others, as did the Pharisee, we may take a fancy perhaps, and have some good conceit of our inherent righteousness. Yea, if we be to deal in schools by argument or disputation, we may peradventure argue for it and make some shew in the matter. But let us once be wrought and arraigned coram rege justo sedente in solio, let us set ourselves there, we shall then see that all our former con ceit will vanish straight, and righteousness (in that sense) will not abide the trial.
" Bring them hither then, and ask them here of this name, and never a saint nor father, no, nor the schoolmen them selves, none of them but will shew you how to understand it aright. In their commentaries, it may be, in their questions and debates they will hold hard for the other ; but remove it lither, they forsake it presently, and take the name in the right sense."
Then he adduces the examples of Job, David, Daniel, [saiah, Paul, and amongst the fathers, of Ambrose, Augus tine, and Bernard.
He then touches upon the devotional writings of the school men, and the half admissions of Bellarmine and Stapleton,
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conceding an imputation of the sufferings, but excluding the imputation of the obedience, or as it is sometimes called, the active righteousness of Christ.
Next he proceeds upon abstract grounds, the finite nature of our righteousness, its disproportion to our infinite reward, " especially if we add hereunto that as it cannot be denied but to be finite, so withal, that the antient fathers seem further to be but meanly conceited of it ; reckoning it notv to be full but defective, not pure but defiled ; and if to be judged by the just judge, districts, or cum districtione examinis (they be St. Gregorie's and St. Bernard's words), indeed no righteous ness at all." Here Bishop Andrewes adduces that remarkable passage from St. Chrysostom, which Mr. Faber has also given at full length in his work upon Justification, from his eleventh homily on the second Epistle to the Corinthians, where that father declares that a justifying righteousness must needs be without spot, and that therefore the righteousness of God by which we are justified is not of works but of grace.
Adducing an admission of Stapleton's, that our righteous ness needs indulgence, he observes, ll Now indulgence (we know) belongeth unto sin, and righteousness, if it be true, needeth none."
Bellarmine is then shewn to destroy his own doctrine by qualifying it first, and next by entirely setting it aside, which, remarks our reverend preacher, "is enough to shew, when they have forgot themselves a little out of the fervor of their oppositions, how light and small account they make of it themselves, for which they spoil Christ of one half of his name."
Then he insists upon the jealousy of God in regard of this name, that He will not give his glory to another. " As we are justified in this name, so we are to glory in it, according to the prophet. For this very purpose the apostle asks, where is boasting then f as if he should admonish us, that this name is given with express intent to exclude it from us and us from it. And therefore in that very place where he saith, ' He is made unto us from God righteousness,' to this end (saith he) he is so made, ut qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur [that
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he who glorieth might glory in the Lord]. All which I put you in mind of to this end, that you may mark that this nipping at this name of Christ is for no other reason but that we may have some honour ourselves out of our righteousness."
Then he gives an instance of this in the confession of Bellarmine, who makes justification to be on the title of merit, because it is more honorable so to receive it than simply on the title 6f inheritance ; " So that it seemeth he is resolved, that rather than they will lose their honour, Christ must part with a piece of his name, and be named Justitia nostra only in the latter sense: which is it, the prophet after (in the twenty-seventh verse of this chapter) setteth down as a mark of false prophets; that by having a pleasant dream of their own righteousness, they make God's people to forget his name ; as indeed by this means this part of Christ's- name hath been forgotten."
Such is the doctrine of good and learned Bishop Andrewes : they must be blind indeed who see not at once how unlike and opposed to the teaching of Mr. Newman and his ad vocates, as also of Jeremy Taylor, Archbishop Sharpe, Bishop Bull, Bishop Tomline, and others who have stumbled at this stone, and have, with all their talents, only laboured to ob scure that great and most essential article of Christian faith, which our prelate, believing with his heart, knew so well how to defend.
G2
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CHAPTER VII.
The election at Merchant Taylors' School, WQl—Andrewes is made Dean of Westminster — His Sermon on giving to C(esar his due — Oversees Westminster School — Preaches before the Queen for the last time in 1602 — Coronation of King James — Sermon on the Plague, 1603 — He is at the Hampton-court Conference — Is appointed a translator — His famous Good-Friday Sermon, 1604, and 1605 — He is made Bishop of Chichester.
ON St. Barnabas-day, June 11, 1601, we find Dr. Andrewes, with his old schoolmaster Mulcaster, and Dr. Goodman, dean of Westminster, Dr. Hutchinson, president of St. John's College, Oxford, Dr. Eoger Marbeck,1 and Sir Eobert Wroth, knt.,2 attending at the election and dinner at Merchant Taylors' School. It was at this time that Dr. Andrewes first patronised Matthew Wren, afterwards bishop of Norwich and Ely. Wren was born in St. Peter's Eastcheap, 1585. His father Francis was a citizen and mercer of London.
1 Dr. Roger Marbeck was the son of that good confessor and musician, John Marbeck, organist of "Windsor, who first printed the Prayer-book with musical notes in 1550. See of him in Burney's History of Music. He was educated first at Eton, then at Christ Church, was Senior Proctor in 1562, Public Orator (the first that was appointed) in 1564, and also was made Provost of Oriel in that same year. In 1565 he was installed Canon of the first stall in Christ Church, in 1566 resigned his Provostship, and in 1567 his stall. He betook himself to the study of medicine and was made physician to the queen, and in 1574 took the degree of M.D. He attended the Earl of Nottingham into Spain, and returning home died, and was buried in St. Giles', Cripplegate, 1605, or thereabout. — Wood's Fasti, and Hist, and Antiq. Univ. Oxon.
2 Son of Sir Thomas Wroth, who for his religion fled to Germany in the reign of queen Mary. Sir Eobert died and was buried at Enfield early in 1606.
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Wren lost his election to St. John's College, Oxford, upon which Dr. Andrewes procured his admission at Pembroke College, Cambridge, on the 23rd of the same month.
This election was the last public occasion at which Dr. Goodman appeared. He died on June 17, and Andrewes was appointed to succeed him as dean of Westminster July 4, and Dr. Adrian Saravia was presented to the stall which Andrewes vacated, and installed on July 5.1
In this year the learned Andrew Willet, prebendary of the fourth stall at Ely (July 22, 1584), in which he succeeded his father, Thomas Willet, M.A., as he did also in the rectory of Barley, Herts., was, amongst many excellent col leagues (ten in number), of whom were Dr. Downame, bishop of Derry (who wrote the most complete work that has ever appeared upon Justification, and also a very learned and elaborate work upon Antichrist), Dr. George Meriton (dean of York in 1617) that famous preacher, and others of no mean note, chosen to answer the Divinity Act in the Com mencement House, Cambridge : ll An. 1601, Publicis Comitiis, Eespondente Dre. Willet, Quasst.
" Peccatum sola causa damnationis. " Decimse jure divino debentur."
Meriton, Downame, Milburne, &c., S.T.P., eodem anno."2 Milburne was B.A. of Queens' College, Cambridge, 1581, elected fellow July 7, 1582, before he had completed twelve terms, and perhaps migrated from Trinity College. He was made M.A. 1585, treasurer of the College, 1589. He was of a Pembrokeshire family, but born in London and educated at Westminster School. He was rector of Cheam in Surrey, and of Sevenoaks in Kent in 1611, chaplain to prince Henry, precentor of St. David's according to Anthony Wood, but his name does not occur in Hardy's Le Neve's Fasti. On the death of Dr. Thomas Blague (by a mistake in Hasted's Kent said to have been master of Clare Hall) he was made dean of Rochester 4th December 1611, and consecrated to the see of St. David's by Abbot, assisted by Andrewes, King,
1 Widmore's History of Westminster Abbey.
2 From T. Baker's Notes, and copy of Willet's Synopsis Papismi.
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bishop of London, Buckeridge, bishop of Rochester, and Overall, bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, July 9th, 1615. Thence he was translated to Carlisle on the death of Dr. Robert Snowden, llth September, 1621. He died in 1624, and was buried in the churchyard of Carlisle cathedral. Richard Senhouse, dean of Gloucester, was his successor at Carlisle, as Laud, a previous dean of Gloucester, had succeeded him at St. David's.
In the llth volume of Bishop Andrewes' works, printed at Oxford in 1854, is given for the first time, A Discourse written by Doctor Andrewes, Bishop of Ely, against second Marriage, after Sentence of Divorce with a former Match, the party then living. In Anno 1601. Besides the two copies in the British Museum (Birch MSS. 4149, art. 38, p. 320, and Lansdowne MSS. 958) there is a third in the University Library at Cambridge. This last has been marked probably by its original owner as unworthy of Bishop Andrewes. However, in the Articles of Visitation for the years 1619 and 1625, immediately following the Discourse, the question is asked, "Do any being divorced or separated, marry again, the former wife or husband yet living?" (p. 120.)
The author of the Discourse, after giving that interpretation which is usually pleaded in behalf of this view to Matth. xix. 9, Rom. vii. 2, and 1 Cor. vii. 11, alleges the 9th Canon of the Council of Eliberis, the 17th Canon of the Council of Milevum, Origen's 7th Homily upon St. Matthew, St. Jerome's Epistle to Amandus (torn i. col. 296 A.), St. Ambrose on 1 Cor. vii. (or rather Hilary the Deacon), Op. torn. ii. Append, col. 133, the Epistle of Innocent I. to Exuperius (§ 6. Cone. torn. ii. col. 1256 C.), and to St. Augustine de Adulterinis Conjugiis, 1. 2, c. 4.
The author, towards the conclusion, alleges that otherwise an encouragement is held out to the adulterer, if he is at liberty, having broken his vows, to marry again. He refers to St. Jerome on Matth. xix. 9, and to St. Ambrose on Luke xvi. 1, 8, § 4, though, observes the editor, the meaning appears to be mistaken. The decision of the Reformers, both English and Continental, was in favour of the validity
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of the second marriage of the innocent and injured party after divorce on the ground of adultery. The Eeformatio Legum, a noble monument of the high spiritual aims and apostolic simplicity of Cranmer and his associates in that great work, permitted such marriages. That they but walked in the steps of primitive antiquity is avouched by the authority of the most learned and impartial student of the fathers whom the present century has seen, the late bishop of Lincoln. In his very valuable work upon Tertullian he observes, " that the Roman Catholic notion of the indissolubility of marriage was then unknown. Tertullian on all occasions affirms that it may be dissolved on account of adultery: and though his peculiar tenets would naturally lead him to deny to either party the liberty of marrying again, yet he admits that such marriages actually took place in the church."1
In 1821 was republished by the late munificent dean of Westminster, Dr. Ireland, Nuptice Sacrce, or, an Enquiry into the Scripture Doctrine of Marriage and Divorce, addressed to the Two Houses of Parliament. First published in 1801, and now reprinted by desire. In this very able and elaborate treatise, its learned author traces this notion of the indis solubility of marriage to the Shepherd of Hermas. For the history of this apocryphal writing the reader may consult the Dissertation of Ittigius de Patribus Apostolicis, § 55 — 65. Ittigius is opposed to the opinion advocated in Dr. Burton's Lectures,2 that the works bearing the name of Hermas were written by a brother of Pius, bishop of Rome, in A.D. 141 or 142. The late venerable Dr. Routh observes its con demnation by all the Councils of the Catholic Church, as affirmed by Tertullian de Pudicitid, c. 16. See Routh's Scriptorum Eccles. Opusc. torn. i. p. 176, Oxon. 1832, and 'Bp. Kaye's Tertullian, 3rd ed. p. 242.
A second marriage, upon divorce on account of adultery, was allowed the innocent party to the time of archbishop Bancroft, who was swayed by some divines in the opposite direction. Amongst these perhaps was Edmund Bunney,
1 p. 380. 3rd edit. Lond. Eivingtons, 1845.
2 On the Eccles. Hist, of the Second and Third Centuries, p. 104. Oxf. 1833.
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who wrote very zealously against such marriages, but did not make good his claim to the general authority of the fathers on his side. This Edmund Bunney added the arguments of the books and chapters to the London edition of Calvin's Institutes in 1576. He was, like Bernard Gilpin the apostle of the north, an indefatigable preacher, travelling about the north of England to supply as far as possible the then great lack of preachers. He was B.D. and fellow of Merton College, Oxford, rector of Bolton Percy, prebendary of Oxgate in St. Paul's, March 20, 1564, subdean of York 1570 ; he resigned the subdeanery in 1575, and was made prebendary of Wistow in St. Peter's, York, October 21, 1575. On July 2, 1585, he was admitted to the first stall in Carlisle, which he resigned in 1603. The village of Bunney, seven miles south-east of Nottingham, took its name from his family. He sometime before his death, which occurred Feb. 6, 1612, gave up his paternal inheritance to his brother Richard. His effigy and monument are against the wall of the south aisle of the choir in York-minster, near the monu ment of archbishop Lamplugh.
But by far the most learned treatise that has appeared upon this subject, is the posthumous work of that prodigy of learning, Dr. John Rainolds, sometime dean of Lincoln and afterward president of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, in the reign of James the First. There antiquity is clearly shewn to be far more in favour of the permission of a second marriage after divorce on the ground of adultery than against it.
Heylyn, in his Life of Laud, calls the prohibiting of such marriages the Romish doctrine. The Greek Church has on the other hand always allowed them.
Of the authorities cited in the Discourse ascribed to An- drewes, the Council of Eliberis forbids the remarriage of the wo man, but makes no mention of the man. Origen, in Tract. 7 in c. 19 MattL, spoke of divorces not granted for adultery, but for lighter reasons after the custom of the Jews : St. Jerome, with Athenagoras and the so-called Apostolical Constitutions, con demned all second marriages : St. Ambrose, on Luke xvi., did not refer to these marriages, but reproved men for marrying
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after they had put away their chaste wives : St. Augustine himself, in his Retractations, acknowledged his partial dis satisfaction with what he had previously advanced upon this subject : ' Scripsi duos libros de conjugiis adulterinis, quan tum potui secundum scripturas, cupiens solvere difficillimam qusestionem. Quod utrum enodatissime fecerim nescio, imb verb non me pervenisse ad hujus rei perfectionem sentio, quamvis multos sinus ejus aperuerim, quod judicare poterit quisquis intelligenter legit.' (1. 2, p. 83. Lugd. 1563.)
To this should be added his concession in his book De Fide et Operibus, c. 19, p. 98, torn. iv. Et in ipsis divinis sententiis ita obscurum esty utrum et iste cui quidem sine dubio adulterant, licet dimittere, adulter tamen habeatur si alteram duxeritj ut quantum existimo, venialiter ibi quisque fallatur '.
It should be borne in mind that for a long time in the Western church, where Scripture was regarded as leaving every liberty of opinion, there St. Augustine's opinion was received as the rule.
St. Chrysostom is plain for the dissolubility of marriage, Horn. 19, in 1 Cor. 7 : tl The marriage is dissolved by fornica tion, neither is the husband a husband any longer." This testimony is allowed by Covarruvias in 4 1. Decretal, Part 2, c. 7, D 6.
Theophylact, on St. Luke c. xvi., says expressly that our Lord's words here must be supplied from St. Matthew.
Bellarmine has recourse to a chapter fathered on the Council of Basle by Pope Eugenius IY. St. Basil's Canons 9 and 21, approved by General Councils (Cone, in Trullo, Canon 2), authorize the man to marry again after divorce from an adulterous wife, and check the custom that would forbid the same liberty to a woman divorced from an adult erous husband.
The reader may find many other authorities in Dr. Kai- nolds ; he may also consult the 14th chapter of the seventh book of the Theologia Moralis of Dr. John Forbes, and the 2nd chapter of the third part of the second book of Dr. John Gerhard's Confessio Catholica.
On November 15th the Dean of Westminster preached at
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Whitehall, upon giving to Caesar his due, instancing out of both the Old and New Testament the duty of obedience to princes be they good or bad ; for it is not to Tiberius but to Cassar that the tribute is due, (not to the person but to the office). The gospel recognizes the doctrine that every man must regard his property as belonging of right to God and to Csesar, himself being interested in it but as a third person • a doctrine consonant enough to reason and revelation, but not very acceptable to the philosophy of covetousness, which would misrepresent it as subversive of the laws of property, whereas it is the only true foundation of them. Certain it is that in proportion to the prevalence of more selfish principles, property has been rendered insecure by the natural revulsion that always follows the oppression of covetousness.
Whilst dean of Westminster, Dr. Andrewes frequently superintended the school in person ; but bishop Hacket shall relate in his own words the sedulousness with which he fostered that school, and the delight which he took in en couraging the studious. In his Life of Archbishop Williams Hacket says : " He had heard much what pains Dr. Andrewes did take both day and night to train up the youth bred in the public school, chiefly the alumni of the college so called. For more certain information he (Williams) called me from Cambridge, in the May before he was installed, to the house of his dear cousin Mr. Elwes Winn in Chancery- lane, a clerk of the Petty Bag, a man of the most general and gracious acquaintance with all the great ones of the land that ever I knew. There he moved his questions to me about the discipline of Dr. Andrewes. I told him how strict that excellent man was to charge our masters that they should give us lessons out of none but the most classical authors ; that he did often supply the place both of the head- schoolmaster and usher for the space of an whole week together, and gave us not an hour of loitering time from morning to night : how he caused our exercises in prose and verse to be brought to him, to examine our style and pro ficiency ; that he never walked to Chiswick for his recreation without a brace of this young fry; and in that wayfaring
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leisure had a singular dexterity to fill those narrow vessels with a funnel. And, which was the greatest burden of his toil, sometimes thrice in a week, sometimes oftener, he sent for the uppermost scholars to his lodgings at night, and kept them with him from eight till eleven, unfolding to them the best rudiments of the Greek tongue and the elements of the Hebrew grammar ; and all this he did to boys without any compulsion of correction, nay, I never heard him utter so much as a word of austerity among us."
Hacket adds, after a rapturous eulogy, that this good and great prelate was the first that planted him in his tender studies, and watered them continually with his bounty.1 It is recorded of Duppa, bishop of Winchester, on his monument in Westminster Abbey, that he learnt Hebrew of Lancelot Andrewes, at that time dean.2 Dr. David Stokes was also at Westminster School at this time.
On Ash- Wednesday, 1602, dean Andrewes preached be fore the queen at Whitehall, February 17, from Jer. viii. 4 — 7, a very ingenious and forcible sermon against neglecting and delaying of repentance. Towards the conclusion he notes how the very season of Lent, coming earlier in the year, is an intimation of the duty of an early return to God.
On St. Barnabas' Day, June 11, we find him, with his old schoolmaster Mulcaster and Dr. Friar,3 as an examiner at Merchant Taylors' School.
On Thursday, March 24, 1603, died queen Elizabeth, the prosperity of whose reign, the wisdom of whose councillors, the security of whose subjects raised her memory upon an imperishable