PROCEEDINGS THE SOCIETY BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, JANUARY DECEMBER, 1905 VOL. XXVII. THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION. PUBLISHED AT THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C. 1905. HARRISON AND SONS, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY, ST. martin's lane, LONDON. COUNCIL, 1905. P7-esideut. Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &c., &c. Vice- Presiden ts. The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Salisbury. The Most Hon. The IMarquess of Northampton. The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury. The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. Walter Morrison. Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, K.C.B., &c., &c. General Sir Charles Warren, G.C.M.G., &c., &c. The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury). Council. Rev. Charles James Ball, I\I.A. Dr. M. Gaster. F. LI. Griffith, F.S.A. H. R. Hall, M.A. Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE., F.R.S.,&c. L. W. King, M.A. Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. Rev. James Marshall, M..\. Prof. G. Maspero. Claude G. Montefiore. Prof. E. Naville. Edward S. M. Perownc, F.S.A. J. Pollard. R. J. Campbell Thompson, B.A. Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S.. &c. Honorary l^easjirer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. iV«v/rtrr— Walter L. Nash, M.R.C.S., F.S.A. Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — F. Legge. Hono7-ary Librarian — Walter L. Nash, M. R.C.S., F.S.A. CONTENTS. Donations to the Library 2, 42, 82, 114, 190, 265 Election of Members 2, 32, 82, 114, 190, 265 Obituary Notices 1,189,265 No. cci. January. The Council's Report for 1904 ... ... ... ... 4,5 Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., F.R.S.. er^^.— The god Asshur and the Epic of "Marduk and Tiamat " {contifiued from Vol. XXVI, p. 282) 7-12 H. R. Hall, M.A. — Greek Mummy-Labels in the British Museum... ... .. ... ... ... ... 13-20 Prof. A. H. Sayce, £>.£>., 6-=^.— The Discovery of Archaic Hittite Inscriptions in Asia Minor. (3 Plates) 21-31 James T. Dennis.— New Officials of the IVth to Vth Dynasties... ... ... ... ... ... ... 32-34 The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A.—On some Lists of Aromatic Woods and Spices ... ... 35-38 F. Ll. Griffith, M.A., F.S.A.— Notes on an Egyptian Signet-Ring 38 No. ecu. February. Prof. A. H. Sayce, Z>.I}., d^c.—The Discovery of Archaic Hittite Inscriptions in Asia Minor (continued). {Plate) 43-47 H. R. Hall, M.A. — Greek Mummy-Labels in the British Museum {continued) ... ... ... ... ... 48-56 E. O. Winstedt. — Sahidic Biblical Fragments in the Bodleian Library. Ill ... ... ... ... .. 57-64 E.J. PiLCHER. — The Order of the Letters of the Alphabet 65-68 Theophilus G. Pinches, ZZ.D. — Nina and Nineveh (F/ate) 69-79 CONTENTS. No. cciii. March. PAGE H. R. Hall, M. A. —Greek Mummy-Labels in the British 'Museum (continued). {Plate) ... ••■ 83-91 The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, J/.^.— Chronology of Asurbanipal's Reign, B.C. 668-626. Ill 92-100 Percy E. Newberry. — The Temple of Erment as it was in 1850. {Plate) 100 Percy E. Newberry. — Extracts from my Notebooks. VIII. {Plate) 101-105 G. Legrain. — The King Samou or Seshemou and the Enclosures of El-Kab. {Plate) 106-111 Prof. A. H, Sayce, D.D., c^^.— The Assyrian god Au ... 11 1, 112 No. cciv. May. H. R. Hall, M.A.—Q,xee\ Mummy-Labels in the British WM%eu\x\ {continued) ... ... ... ••• ... 11 5- 122 Prof, A. H. Sayce, D.D., 2> c. 4, 1- 50-54), and Nabonidus the last king of Babylon placed two Lakhmi on each side of a temple to the Sun-god at Harran (V. R. 64, cl. lines 15 and 16). In these cases the Lakhmi are treated as monsters rather than as gods, and in a text published by S. A. Smith (Texts 52, 55, and 125), Laghamu is mentioned among the monsters who helped Tiamat in her fight. Such names as Anshar and Kishar, Lakhma and Lakhama, as ancestors of the gods, are not real and genuine primitive names at all, but quite artificial creations of the later priests, who felt it Jan. II] THE GOD ASSHUR AND THE MARDUK EPIC. [1905. necessary to interpose some steps between their primaeval chaos and the great gods, and fell back upon plausible etymologies, like some of the Greek cosmographers did. It is evidence, in fact, of the late date of the composition as we have it. The form of the legend again seems, as a composition, too complete in its epical roundness to liave been the work of very early times. This is confirmed by other considerations. Thus, Professor Sayce says : "The Epic clearly belongs to a late date. The gods of the popular religion not only have their places in the universe fixed, but even the period and manner of their origin is described * * *. I much doubt whether the Epic, in its present form, is older than the time of Asshurbanipal." I think this is a very just conclusion, and we may take it that the story or legend was in fact put into its present shape for Asshurbanipal, the Assyrian king for whom the great library at Kouyunjik was collected. This view comes out most forcibly when we examine the mythology of the tablets in which the head of all the gods is stated to be An-shar or Asshur, a deity, so far as we know, quite unknown to the Babylonian tradition, but who was doubtless the head of the Assyrian pantheon. It seems to me, on every ground, quite plain that the occurrence of Anshar, in the prominent place he occupies in the tablets we are discussing, is only consistent with their Assyrian origin, and it was meant to place in particular prominence the great god of Assyria, Asshur. In another tablet resembling in shape and writing the tablets we are discussing, and published in Cuneiform Texts, Part XIII. pi. 24, 1. 3, and commented upon by Mr. King in his work already referred to, and which is very fragmentary, the city of Asshur is named, as is the god Anshar (evidently for Asshur), together with Adad and Lakhamu. It is interesting and significant that in this tablet Anshar claims to have built the famous temple of Esharra, whose building is elsewhere, in Tablet 4 of the Creation series, assigned to Marduk, and he also appears in it as the God of Creation, and not Marduk. See Mr. King's edition of the Creation Tablets, pp. 199 and 200. On this fact Prof Jastrow writes: "Evidently then, just as the Babylonian theologians sought to glorify Marduk at the expense of Bel, so Ass) rian theologians, or such as stood under Assyrian influence, did not hesitate to replace Marduk by their own favourite Anshar " 9 JAN. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1905. {op. cit., 198). Surely orecisely the same remark applies to the writer of the mis-called Creation tablets. This raises a further question. Did the scribe who wrote these tablets for Asshurbanipal merely alter certain names in an old Babylonian Epic, or did he in fact compose the Epic himself? Was it, in other words, an Assyrian composition and not a Babylonian one? I do not mean to suggest that the legend of Marduk and Tiamat was not very much older than the days of Assyrian grandeur. Of course it was : of this we have ample proof; but I am speaking of the Epic as it occurs in the tablets. I am disposed to think that it was actually and in fact an Assyrian composition, and that it dates from a much later period than is commonly supposed. It is curious if this is not so that we should have no trace or fragment of any copy of it in early Babylonian writing, and that the names introduced into it are otherwise so unfamiliar. If Kingu and Gaga and Lakmu had occupied such a prominent position in Babylonian mythology, we should have surely heard more about them from Babylonian sources. If, on the other hand, these were old, romantic, fabulous, and unfamiliar names, they would naturally find their way into a late Epic dealing with early times. Again, in the first three tablets of this series Marduk is not named at all, although he is the real hero of the piece, and they look like an elaborated preface added afterwards ; perhap.s, as Dr. Pinches suggests, to enhance the triumph of .Marduk by proclaiming the failures of the other gods ; perhaps, on the other hand, to give a prominent place to Asshur. It is curious again that while .-\sshur is so prominent in the first four tablets, he does not occur at all in the subsequent ones, which again points to these four prefatory tablets being really an exordium leading up to the real kernel of the story — the fight of Marduk and Tiamat, and confirms entirely their being an Assyrian composition and appended to a new version of the old Babylonian saga. This view is strengthened by the fact that several writers, including both Mr. King and Dr. Pinches, have suggested that the last tablet of the series, the 7th, which seems quite unconnected with the rest, and looks like an appendix added on, a propos of nothing in the story, did not form a part of it originally. It is really an enumeration of the fifty famous names of Marduk. It would be interesting to trace how Damaskios obtained his very accurate copy of the first lines of the Epic. He was a very late writer and was one of the victims of Justinian's furious 10 Jan. II] THE GOD ASSHUR AND THE MARDUK EPIC. [1905. campaign against the Philosophers, when he took refuge in Persia, but it is difficult to suppose that in the 7th century a.d. he could have had access to the original documents or found any one to read them. It is more probable that he derived them from an older Greek writer. His introduction of the name Illinos for An Shar points, it seems to me, to the extract having been ultimately derived through some Babylonian channel. To revert somewhat. I mentioned that the god Asshur is named by Iri shum. an early patesi of Assyria. The temple of Asshur is named in an inscription of Sam si Adad, another patesi who ruled circ. lyco. He is mentioned with Anu, Shamash, Adad, and Ishtar in an inscription of Adad Nirari the First, arc. 1325, in which he curiously occupies not the rtrst but the second place, this being the only occasion in which he does so. Later on in the same inscription the king calls himself priest of Asshur, and later again he refers to the temple of "Asshur his lord" who dwelt in E-kharsag-kurkura, and his name precedes those of Anu, Bel, Ea, and Ishtar (Bel here perhaps meaning Bel-Marduk). In an inscription of Tukulti-Ninip the First, cin. 1275, he is associated with Adad, while Tiglath-Pileser the First calls him "the Great Lord ruling the assembly of the gods." There can be no doubt that while the city of Asshur was his original shrine, Asshur's fame and dominance grew with the growth of the Assyrian empire, and that he became the supreme god of Mesopotamia : but he was more than this. Prof Hommel has shown that the early Assyrian contract tablets, discovered in Cappadocia not far from Caesarea, date from the time of the Khammurabi dynasty. From them he quotes such names as •Amur-Ashir, Amur Shamash, Ashir Emuki, Ashur-ishtakal Ashur-rabi, Ashirtayar, Ashur-bani, Ashur imiti, Ennam Ashir, Pilakh Ashur, Manumbali-Ashir (/.('., who would be without Ashir), Manum ki Ashur {i.e., who is like unto Ashur). {Ancient Hebrew Tradition, etc., 142 note). Here, then, we have ample evidence of the cult of the God Asshur far away from Assyria in the early days of the Khammurabi dynasty when the latter country was still ruled by Patesis. Palestine seems to offer a similar proof, although in the case of Palestine it is the goddess answering to Asshur, namely, Ashira, who is chiefly mentioned. Professor Sayce will have it that Asshur had no partner and divided his honours with no corresponding goddess. Thus he says, 1 1 Jan. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.tOLOGY. [1905- "There was yet one other respect in which Assur resembled the Yahveh ot Israel. There was no goddess Assuritu by the side of Assur, as there was an Anatu by the side of Anu. a Beltis by the side of Bel. If in imitation of Babylonian usage, Bilat or Belet is sometimes addressed as the consort of Assur, it is simply a literary affectation." Again he says, in his recent Gifford Lectures, "The wife occa- sionally provided for Asshur by the scribes was a mere grammatical abstraction, etc." I think this needs some qualification. If it was only a literary affectation it was introduced very early, and occurs in very important documents. In lines 32-35 of column 4 of the great cylinder inscription of Tiglath-Pileser the First we read how he "took away twenty-five gods of the lands he had conquered, which he had captured with his hand and taken away that they might become the possession of the temple of Belit, the mighty consort, the beloved of Asshur his lord." By Belit is here clearly meant no foreign goddess. The name merely means " the Lady " par excellence, and assuredly refers to the wife of Asshur, who must have had a special temple in the city of Asshur at this time more than a thousand years B.C. It is true that in later times Asshur dominates everyihing in Assyria, and was, what Lenormant called him, the Deus ex supcrmi- tissimus of the Assyrians {Magic, 104), but the fact of his having had a consort seems almost certain from the Canaanitish evidence. In the Tell el Amarna letters we have the name of this consort preserved in the composition of more than one name, such as Abd Ashratu and Abd Ashirta, i.e., servant of Ashratu or servant ot Ashirta. One of these names is merely the plural of the other, and is perhaps used in the same way as Elohim was used in the Bible. In other inscriptions Ashira is made the wife of Ramman, and the special goddess of the Western countries and of Canaan, from the time of Khammurabi (Lagrange, 121). The same writer identifies her again with the Ashira mentioned on the Stele of Tiuna in Arabia. We can hardly doubt that by Ashira was meant a consort of Asshur. Le nom dc la deese est tout simplement le feminin du nom du dieu Ashur (says Pere Lagrange), qui les tablettes cappadociennes (d'environ 20COIJ.C.) mentionnent sous le nom d'Ashir (^/. J^ , or the cross. That already referred to is of a certain Psentheous, son of ApoUonios, son of Patses. The Egyptian Christians always retained the use of pagan names, and we find Coptic saints and abbots, notably fanatical Christians, in later days bearing names com- pounded with those of heathen gods of the most uncompromisingly "devilish" character; e.^i:;., the name Pamin, "he who belongs to Min " (see No. 5, below). For a century and a half after the triumph of Christianity Greeks in Egypt and native Egyptians seemed to form one people, united by the bond of a common religion, until the strong nationalism of the Egyptian race again found expression in the adoption of the Monophysite heresy and the rejection of the council of Chalcedon. The long struggle against the orthodoxy of Constantinople which followed absolutely divided Greek from Egyptian once more, and the Saracen conquest finally cut Egypt off from Greece, and re- transferred her from the West to the East. The work of Alexander was undone, and the Graeco- Egyptian Mischkultiir, which had existed for a thousand years, came to an end. The mummy-labels being the result of Egyptian religious ideas, the Egyptian inscriptions on them are naturally fuller than the Greek, and usually contain prayers to Egyptian divinities of the dead, which are absent from the Greek inscriptions. These were chiefly intended for the information of Greek-speaking officials and others who would have to do wiih the transport and delivery of the bodies, and there was naturally no reason to repeat the Egyptian religious formulae in them. Also since the Egyptian Greeks usually venerated the Egyptian du-ities as well as their own, they were 18 Jan. II] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. ordinarily mummified after death and buried according to Egyptian rites, and, when this was done, the prayers to the native gods must have been chanted over them in the native tongue only, and if inscribed on their mummy-tickets, inscribed only in the native script ; it would have been neither appropriate nor necessary to translate them into Greek. Naturally enough, many tickets for Greek mummies bear Greek inscriptions only, and do not contain the Egyptian religious formulae ; also the proportion of Greek to Egyptian names is, on the bilingual tickets, considerably less than on the tickets inscribed in Greek alone. The Egyptian formulae of the Demotic inscriptions on the mummy-tickets is usually conceived thus : '' May his spirit live for ever in the presence of Osiris-Sokaris, the great god, lord of Abydos," or, " May his spirit serve (sepis) Osiris," etc. Then follows the name and parents' names, place of origin, eU. Another Demotic formula sometimes closes the inscription. The Greek inscription dispenses with the religious formula ; one of the nearest approaches to one being contained in the inscrip- tion of Berlin, 11820 (Krebs, 17), which reads " Tf/z/o-at ejiiwfrev eiKovai OK7W T L Ktf eiv 7i)i' \n/n7rpdv cnr7j\0ev, " Taesdi lived twenty- eight (28) years. She has gone to the shining (land)," i.e., the abode of the blessed ikhoii, or spirits, ///., " Shining Ones." I cannot agree with Schmidt (loc. cit., p. 61) that the Xa^nrpa xtt^/>« is necessarily the Christian heaven, the (pwTivos- totto^ of Coptic Greek gravestones), and so that the ticket is that of a Christian. In its fullest model form the Greek inscription reads : E^s A TO0»y '^ TOV (t/^?) heiva rov ^eimi . . . ^irjrpo9 B mro T ejtvv A^efiiioaeu err) A).^ The imperial regnal year and day of month are sometimes added. Sometimes the place-direction is given at the end of the inscription, as in No. 87 below, but, in the majority of cases, it does not appear at all. The initial to0>/ is usually omitted, and we have such an inscription as No. 18, below, Qeai'ov? k.t.X., or No. 10, AOaffapeov tou kui Ue-reveCpOijiu^ jiirjT^po^) Aiovvffiai: Ijirj. In this last we have one Egyptian name declined according to the rules of Greek grammar, while the other, the surname, is not so declined. In the case of hellenized Egyptian names, which were in the native language indeclinable,^ though their hellenized form was declinable, the ' In No. I below the variation SttjAtj tov Selva. ^ Sometimes ciphers are given as well as the word, as in the ostrakon of Taesai (Berlin, 11 820 ; Krebs, 17), quoted above. 19 B 2 Jan. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. genitive after [t«07] is often dropped, and we have such formulae as No. 70, Af)e/iiij(/)iv ApvwTov uiit{/>ov) 2eYri o 7raTf]f> Ylereif/jt^- R(\ii'io^. Senponkhe was ap- parently the daughter of Psais, so that the « -«r,y/> must be Psais's father. Bekhinis was, then, the great grandfather of Senponkhe. Formulae which give the cause of death, such as Berlin 11825 (Krebs. 36), or contain directions as to the disposal of the body, e.g., No. 88 below, are not so common as the simpler type given above. The directions were properly separated from the name- formula, as in Berlin 2150 (Krebs, 34). The meaning of and other cjuestions connected with the names contained in the British Museum collection of Greek mummy tickets will be discussed in the following pages. I wish to note that the whole of what follows was written some years before the appearance of Prof. Spiegelberg's Aegyptische Eigefinamen.^^ All alterations and additions rendered necessary by his valuable publication are inserted in square brackets. ^ Names written in the unhellenized native form {e.g., Nos. 5, 23, 40, 43, 44, 46, etc., below), could not in any case be declined, and cannot be said to be in either nominative or genitive case ; the inscription begins simply with the in- declinable name Toyuei'e, lavovK, 'Sfviravtvovd, &c. '* Aegyiptische und Griechisthe Eigennamen aits Mtimienetiketten der 7-omischen Kaiserzeit, by Prof. Wm. Spiegelberg. Leipzig, 1901. I may add a list of previous material to which references have already been made above : — 1. Le Blant: Tablai cgyptiennes : Rev. Arch. N.S. xviii (1875). 2. Steindorff : Zwei altkoptische Mtimienetiketten : K.T.. xxviii, 49 ff. (1890). 3. RevilloUT : Planchettes bilingiies troiivees a Sohag : Rev. Eg., vi. 43-45, loo-ioi ; vii. 29-38. (1891-2). 4. Wesselv : Holztafeichen der Samtnlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, v. 11 fif. (1892). 5. Krebs: Griechische Mttmienetikette aus Agypten: A.Z. xxxii, 366" (1894)- 6. Schmidt: Ein altchristliches Mumienetikclt : ibid., 52 ff (1894). {To be continued.^ Jan. II] ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. THE DISCOVERY OF ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS IN ASIA MINOR. By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &c. The discovery of the site of a pre-Hellenic city made by Prof. W. M. Ramsay and Prof. T. Callander is one of the most important that have been made in Asia Minor of recent years. It lies about midway on the high-road, already disused and forgotten in (ireek days, which once led from Iconium {Konia) to Tyana {Bo/-). As the ruins of an old fortress, called Arissama by the Turks, are but an hour distant, Prof. Ramsay is doubtless right in identifying the site with the Ardistama of classical geography. Three inscribed monuments were found on the site. One on a mushroom-shaped stone altar, of the form represented in Hittite sculptures ; a second on a broken altar of the same shape ; and the third on a monument, out of which a trough has been cut, so that portions only of its two inscribed sides have been left. The second and third monuments were found at a spot about a mile and a-half distant from that where the first was discovered ; but as other cut stones of early date were lying in the immediate neighbourhood of the latter, it is probable that they had been carried there from their original positions. All three monuments are inscribed with Hittite characters, which are in relief and of archaic forms. They help us at last towards determining the relative age of the inscriptions already known to us. The forms of the characters, the mode in which they are combined and used, and, above all, the territorial titles contained in the texts so closely resemble those of one of the Carchemish inscriptions (J. II, Messerschmidt X), the ten-line inscription of Boghaz-Keui (four lines of which Dr. Belck has succeeded in copying), the " Niobe " and "Sesostris " graffiti, and Uo a less extent) the Bei-keui inscrip- tion discovered by Prof. Ramsay in a tumulus near Afiun-Karahissar, that we need not hesitate to ascribe them to the same age. As the cuneiform tablets found at Boghaz-Keui appear to belong to the Tel el-Amarna period, we should have an approximate date at last for the earliest of our Hittite texts. Jan. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1905. The name of Mames, who records his ecclesiastical buildings in the altar-inscription, is characteristic of the region in which the monuments are found, and " the city of Mames " will be the Mamessos of classical geography, though whether it should be identified with the Mamessos or Momoasson, which is now repre- sented by Mammasun. is not certain. " The city of the Double- headed eagle " must be Eyuk, N.-E. of Boghaz-Keui, since this is the "totem " of the city which is engraved on the ruins that mark its site, and it is possible that Boghaz-Keui itself may be meant by the " edicule " in the fifth line of the inscription. Mention is also made of "the city of the Tiara," which is named in one of the Malatiyeh texts, as well as of " the country of Kas," of which we hear in a cuneiform text brought by Dr. 13elck from Boghaz-Keui. Ardistama itself is called, it would seem, " the city of the god Uan- Aramis," "the divine pine-tree, the king." The god of the pine- tree is also commemorated in the inscription of Khalma-sar(?)mes from Carchemish, and we gather from the classical writers that he was the father of Attys.^ At Pessinus, where he was addressed as Agdistis, the pine (into which Attys was said to have been trans- formed) was changed into an almond-tree. It may be noted that the Hierapolis or " Sacred city " of Asia Minor had a second name derived from the name of the deity to whose cult it was dedicated ; thus we have Atyo-lchorion " the district of Atys," Attiou-kome " the village of Atys," Meno-kome "the village of Men." In the altar-inscription the Asianic trinity of divine father, son and mother is commemorated, Mames being called " the corybant of the Dance-god and the Phallus-god," and "dirk-bearer of the goddess Amma." The " god of the Dance " bore the name of Sawa, and at Fraktin was known as Tarku, who was identified by Strabo with Apollo. The " Phallus-god " is naturally Attys, while Amma is denoted by the upright feather or curl which also characterises her in the " Niobe " inscription. The same trinity is also com- memorated at Gurun, where however Sawa or Tarku, the Goat- god, is represented by the symbol which denotes him at Boghaz-Keui, and Attys by the pair of legs which at Boghaz-Keui is used to express his name. Sawa, which became Sapa in Syria,- is the origin ' In one version of the story Kalaos is given as the father of Attys. Kalaos would be the Hittite kala-vas, from kalis or kalas " a gallos-priest." We have kala-wa in the corrected copy of M. XXIII, C i. - Subbi in the letter of the Hittite king Subbi-luiluina, found at Tel el-Amarna. 22 'I, ATE I. Proc. So(. Bibl. Air/i., /a7tiia>y, 1905. Q .0. .9 ■»t 4f^ €3 e e 4^( .Cjs ^ [ra (^ e^ 4^C f^ ^ ^ < 3 Jan. II] ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. of the Greek ^d(3oi, or ministers of the Dance-god, hke Sabazios, which is formed by the sufifix -s/, Hittite -s/. Sabazios, " the son of Sawa," was identified by the Greeks with Dionysos, and, as he was associated with the serpent, may be the Hittite Sandes who on a seal seems to be symboHsed by a snake (Messerschmidt XL, i). Commentary. Great Altar Inscription. (PI. I.) 1. Ma-me-wi%-s izai-s isi(})-in iD.-na id. id, " Mames the builder of the high-place of the bull-fetish and the throne (?) of the man-fetish." I am as far as ever from certainty as to the phonetic value of the patronymic suffix which I doubtfully read isi. Elsewhere isiQ)-m is written isi{?)-md. Nor do I know what is represented by the object I have called a '* throne " (?), and which has the ideograph of " making " placed above it. The head of the bull is not clear in the squeeze, and may be a four-cornered cushion. The man-fetish occurs in a degenerate form at Carchemish (Messerschmidt XI, 5). Ai>-e a-rama amis /la- ? inainis Uan-T>'E.T. Ara-nie-na (?) ID- det. ma iD.-a-*-(;«^)-* det. kai-isi{?)maana id. det. Aranie(J). me-n DETS.-/a-DET. ammd \v>.-nia-n, " for the corybant, the king of the city . ., the city of the Pine-god, Aramis (the king) who has given to the city of the Double-headed Eagle a great high-place, the high-place of the god Aramis (?), (and) among cities the city of Ma . . mas." Such seems to be the meaning of the passage, though in other texts the word me-n when preceding the ideograph of ''city" is the accusative of (denies "a city." For the open hand in the sense of "giving" see M"l X, 3. The boot lying on its side, with the toes turned up, throughout these inscriptions takes the place of the ordinary boot in the compound ideograph which signifies "great," as well as in other cases where it is used ideo- graphically. The character below ;/«, which resembles the beak of a bird, is uncertain, and may be intended for ta. The leg is an abbreviated form of the ideograph of " dancing," as may be seen by comparing M. XI, lines 2 and 4 (see my last Paper on the Hittite Inscriptions, Proc, Nov., 1904, p. 247). In M. XI, 2, it is preceded by the determinative of " official " (" chief •* M. denotes MesserschmicU"s Corpus inscriptionuin Hettiticarwn. 23 Jan. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^.OLOGY. [1905. dirk-bearer, corybant of the sanctuary "). The corybantes or dancing priests of Cybele and Attys were well known to the Greek writers. The word which I have called ahis (the leg having the phonetic value of l>a) may have been kii?-alns. At Carcheniish (M. X, 2) we have had " the (pine-)tree of the god Aramis, the supreme king of the Nine," on which see my last Paper on the Hittite Inscriptions, Froc, Nov., 1904, p. 248. I was mistaken in supposing that the tree corresponded with the three phonetic char- acters ya-na-iu : a comparison of the two forms of the city-name found in M. XXXIII, 3 shows that it corresponds only with ya-na. Now the Egyptian inscriptions know of a country westward of Aleppo called Uana, from the ?/a;/-tree, the name of which has been pronounced by Egyptiologists to be of foreign origin on account of the variations of its spelling in the texts. The tmn-tx&o. is usually identified with the juniper, principally because the district of the Amanus was known to the Assyrians as sad erini, "the mountain of cedar ; " all that is certain is that it represented some kind of pine or fir, and has the same shape in the Egyptian hieroglyphs as the tree we are considering has in the Hittite pictographs. I have, therefore, no hesitation in identifying the two. Hence my suspicion was right that the characters (4 and 6) to which I had provisionally assigned the values oi ya ■a.wA yas are really u and us or wa and was. This enables us to understand better than before how the classical " Eneti " or " Veneti " (with which the names of the cities Venasa and Vanota are connected), cuneiform Vantu-vas, can be represented by the Hittite Wa-na-hi, and leads to the conclusion that the sonant n (No. 14), which appears as the phonetic equivalent of the tree in M. VI, 5, compared with VII, i, i, could be pronounced mi. Now in M. VII, I, I, the second character in the name of the city which thus begins with nil is one which has puzzled me greatly, as it is different in form from da (No. 43), but identical with one in the inscription on the Bowl (M. I, 3) in a name which Prof. Jensen conjectured to be Carcheniish. Hitherto I have been unable to accept his identifica- tion, as the name is preceded by the determinative of divinity and not of a city, but a di.scovery I have lately made has cleared away my difficulties and shown that he was right in his conclusion, though the premiss on which it was based was mistaken. The passage reads : kaisima iusi-ina det. (of word-division) det. Khalama-7ii-isi{i) det. Kar-qa-md-istQ) "the high-place and chapel of the god of Carcheniish (the divine son of Karqa-nia, or, perhaps. 24 •Jan. II] ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. the son of the place of the god Karqa), the Akhlamite." Conse- quently in VII, I, I the transliteration is Un-ga. and as this is followed by KALE-/, it would appear that we are intended to read Unqi, the name of the district in which the inscription was found according to the Assyrian inscriptions.*^ The Assyrian Unqi is the Uniuqa of Thothmes III, as I was the first to point out in my Momiments of the Hittites. Uan, Yakhan, and Unqi were all conterminous, if, indeed, as is more probable, they did not denote the same land. In M. VI, 5 the name is written Un-ka rather than Unqi. In M. VII, I, I the country of Irkatu, in which the city of Unqi was situated, is called "the divine land." This was because the Uan-tree was a god. In Asia Minor the god appears in Greek inscriptions under the name of Benneus or Zeus Bennios (Ramsay r Historical Geography of Asia Minor, pp. 144, 145.)^ The symbol of Aram is "the king" looks more like an almond than a cone, and reminds us that at Pessinus, Agdistis, the tree-god, the father of Attys, was said to have transformed his organs of generation into an almond. The symbol is usually surrounded with rays of light similar to those which emanate from the sacred symbol of the Paphian goddess on early Cypriote seal-cylinders \ on a Hittite seal- cylinder (M. XLIII, 8) the rays become balls, and Aramis is coupled with Khalma, the goddess of Carchemish. It will he re- membered that a Carchemishian in the Assyrian period bea-i's the name of Aramis-sar-ilani, "Aramis (is) king of the gods" (K, 11). ■* The priestly apron J;al (No. 38) like the quiver (No. 31) also represented ««?'(■ "great" and anas "prince," and could consequently be used with the phonetic value of iii (or iia). At all events this was the case at Mer'ash, as in M. XXIII, c. I, where the photograph reads: . . . amis-t^'o; ani-ni (No. 31) -wa ID. N-n-ni {No. 38)-7yrt-MA kali-was a (No. 56) - nl (No. 31 and suffixed vowel) -mis " of the city . ., the great, the place of the Sun-god, the gallos- priest princely." Hence in AI. VI, 4, 5, it is possible to read Uan-n^ rather than Un-ka. From photographs of the two Boghaz-Keui seals reproduced in M. XLIV, 5, 7, when compared with a seal belonging to Count di Cesnola, I am inclined to think that on both we have the name of a " sword-prince " or " dirk- bearer " ID. -" Sun -god "-«(:'- /^ff, to which is added on No. 5 Kase-i-was "the Kasian." ^ Bannu, according to Prof. Hilprecht, is the name of a foreign deity found by him in Babylonian contracts of the Persian period, which show that Hittites were included among the foreign settlers in Babylonia, In a Greek inscription found by Diest near the Midas-city (Yasili-kaia) mention is made of "my Benneuian fatherland" (Trarpis e'ju*} ^ivviv^Ki], Petermann's JlJittheilungen, No. 125, 1898). This would be the Hitiite Uan-ne-wa(s). 25 Jan. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. Khalma, or Khalania, and Aramis were, in fact, the divine pair of Garchemish.*^ The city of the Double-headed Eagle seems to be Eyuk, since this is the symbol of the city which is engraved on the right-hand post of the ancient city-gate. The concluding words of the sentence are found again on the broken altar, line 3, with one or two variations. The phonetic mis is omitted there after the ideograph of "city," and the vowel a takes its place, while the upturned boot is not written after the sufifix ta, from which we may gather that it is here merely a determinative. As the human head has the value of a?-n{mis), " king," and the vowel e is here attached to it, we may perhaps read the divine name — Aramis. The city denoted by what looks like a species of head- dress is mentioned in M. XXI, 5 (Md-iD.-;nd-i kale-mis, " the priest of Ma . . ,") and perha])s also in the inscri|)tion from Malatiyeh, which I have published in the Pi-oc, Jan., 1904, p 23. 2. Ma-me-yiv&s kai-i-isi{J)-m, " Mamas, the builder of the high- place," as before, or more probably "the built high-place." It is likely that the words denoting the bull-fetish and the man-fetish, the second spelt phonetically {arkai), followed the mention of the two high-places. Then we have ii?t-ta iD.-a anaind-ta det. " in this princely sanctuary of the city of Uan-Aramis." The last word is written phonetically in M, XXIII, A, 2, a-na-a-m-a-tu, "this princely (sanctuary)," where the suffixed -/// (or is it the character net) seems to mean "this" as on the bowl (M. I, 3, anammis A-7ia-m-a-tu, "prmce c;f this kingdom," and M. XXI, 3 {tx/ia-s mae-tu, "prince of this place'). Cp. M. XXI, 4, a-na-mis ana-me-i ^ In the Pessinus legend the mother of Attys is Nana, the daughter of the Sangarios, in accordance with the fact that the Sangura or Sagura (now Sajur) was the river of Carchcmish and Pelhor (Pteria), and also the name of a river in the country of the Khattina. Nana, who thus represents Khahna, is either Nana (also written Nini), the Sun-divinity, or the borrowed Assyrian Nana. Cp. Gunzi-nan, the name of a king of Komana. With Sangura we may connect Sangara, the name of the king of Carchemish in the time of Shalmaneser II. It is possible that he is the king of one of the Carchemish inscriptions (M. IX). At all events an examination of the original monument has shown me that in my previous reading of the name of the king I have been led entirely astray by the published photograph. The first character composing it is lost, all that remains of it being an oblique line. Then comes ga (No. 35), and then the half of a character which is either the arm (a;a. No. 2 in.) or, less probably, the bundle (wa, No. 44). Lastly come a and s. If the third character is the arm we can . restore san (No. 59) at the beginning, and read [.San-] ga-(a)ra-a-s 26 Jan. II] ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. an-i, "prince of a great principality" or, perhaps, "prince of great princes." The boot is used as a determinative as it is in M. XXXII, 3 : {ana-me det. kala-n det. " princely, priestly "), or in the usual ideographic mode of writing atiis " great " ("dirk-master of the earth "), and aramis " king " (" head of the earth " ; see M. X, 2.) Aba{s) DET. iDS.-t' DET. ID. DKT. ID. DET. ID., " corybant of the god Se (Sawa) and the god Attys and dirk-bearer of the goddess Amma." In M. XI, 4 si is given as the phonetic equivalent of the compound ideograph signifying "a dance." In the adjectival derivative from the name of Carchemish the syllable si is followed by the suffix -was^ and from the word si we should similarly have siwas, "the dancer," where perhaps I should be better justified in making the vowel of the first syllable a or k than /.'' In any case I think, as I have said above, that in this " god of the dance " we must see the Sawa of the Greeks. At Fraktin the name is denoted by the upper boot only, to which the vowel e is attached in order to indicate its pronunciation. As the Greek name of the place, how- ever, was Das-tarkon, the Goat-god Tarku must have been the proper name of the deity who was addressed as aria Sc or Sue, " the god of the dance.'' Attys is denoted by a phallus placed on a table ; in the " edicule " it stands on the earth and supports the solar orb. It does not appear to be the same character as that which had the value am (No. 23) ; at all events in certain inscriptions the latter is made to resemble a knot. The feather (?), which denotes Amma, is found again in an inscription discovered by Prof. Ramsay near Bei-keui, on the old road from Tyriaion to Smyrna*^ (M. XXXVI, A), ' If we are to read Gar-ga-ine-sii-was instead of my earlier -si-yas, we should have a parallel form to the cuneiform Uantu-vas " the Enetian. " Cp. Asianic names in -ix.6a.s, Lycian — inovah. ^ What remains of the inscription reads : "the corybant . . ian, Amma-khal-*, lord of Kas, the great.'' A cuneiform tablet found by Dr. Belck at Boghaz-Keui has aravi-i-ta Kas-sa-na-{ta\ " through the Kassian king." And a re-examination of the photograph of the inscription accompanying the Pseudo-Sesostris (M. XXXIX, i) leads to the following results : On the left of the spear are, in line i, kai (No. 36), a character which can hardly be i (No. 3), but is formed like the character resembling an /Egean idol of which I speak below, and the character, twice found at Ibreez according to the casts (M. XXXIV, K. i, 3), where it determines the verb . . is-wa, " I sculptured"; then, in line 2, the bird and determinative of" city " with t- attached, and, in line 3, the upper part of ta (No. 47). On the right of the spear we have what may be the lower part of the feather (?) of Amma, below it the upper part of khal (No. 54), and an obliterated sign. Hence we may read : " Amnia-k'hal- . . ., who has made the image in the district of the Bird-city." 27 Jan. u] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGV. [1905. as well as in the cartouche attached to the figure of " Niobe " on Mount Sipylus (M. XXXVI, 5), where it is accompanied by the phonetic reading Am-mi. As the first character in the cartouche is probably the ideograph of " giving " (No. 28), we may translate the whole inscription, " Dedicated to Amma, the queen of the rock Koddine(?)" or "the Amma-place (Mamma?).'" At any rate we now know that the figure which the Greeks identified with their legendary Niobe really represented the great goddess of Hittite Asia Minor. The feather seems to be the same as the object which I found rising from the crown of the figure's head when I climbed up to it, and of which I have given a drawing in the Jrl. of Hellenic Studies III, p. 226. 3. " (Amma) the queen of the rock (?) of ... , the royal." The rectangular rock or platform (No. 53) seems to have had the value of k/iar.^ What the following ideograph may be I do not know : the only things that it resembles are the rude stone idols of the ^gean (see, e.g., Schliemann's Ilios, p. 232); but we should probably identify it with a somewhat similarly shaped ideograph, which at Gurun (according to the photographs) is the phonetic exponent of the name of the goddess Amma, Amm-me-MA-iD. and at Haniath (M. IV, 3) forms the second character in the name of the country of Ka{^\c)-amma-gha-s or Kummukh ; it also probably represents the name of Amma at Carchemish (M. XI, 4). As ma is prefixed to it in the 5th and 6th lines of our inscription I would suggest that it denotes "the place of Amma." ^"^ In line 4 '■' Cp., however, M. Ill, A 2, where it appears lo represent the syllable ^'/^aw in the name of Ighana. '" There is another possibility. In line 3 the half-obliierated character under the ideograph may be «/, and since Pausanias (III, 22) states that " the image of the mother of the gods "was carved by Broteas the son of Tantalus out of the rock Koddine on the northern side of Sipylos, we could make the ideograph koJi, katii or something similar. The character katii (No. 42), which I have conjectured to be a breast-plate, could represent our ideograph inside the frame of a niche like that of the N'iobe. In M. V, i the divine rays issue from it. It is worthy of notice that the figure of Amma-Khalma, the goddess of Carchemish (M. XI, i), now in the British Museum, represents her as standing in a niche. Light would be thus thrown on the meaning of the word /•a-KATU-j'-MA in M. VII, i, 2, preceded l)y a word re])resented by the picture of a diamond-shaped object with two strings, and the diterminative of persons ^which became the "word-divider " of later days). I would transliterate and translate the whole inscription : DET. a-me-i A-im-a-wa-s a-AUA-wa-i/iis-s Ir-katu-nas DET. det. -wa-j a-t/i Ql-e-i UE'f ii>.-rt///-w-MA a-^^/ia-s DKT. W^.-iiia-iiiis ka (also c)-KA'ru-i"-MA 28 Jan. II] ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. we have "the sacred stone" instead of it. What is chiefly to be noted, however, is that the title is exactly the same as that which is given to Amma in the " Niobe "-cartouche according to my first copies of the inscriptions before I had slightly modified them through misreading my squeeze in the Consulate at Smyrna. The assumption seems justified that the " Niobe "-cartouche and our altar inscription belong to the same age, if not to the same scribes. Aranie ka-i kaisima (?) ara-me-n DET.-a-z'a amis id. -a VD.-c-i-a-n DET. md-n DET. Sanda-da (?), "for the king who has made the royal high-place among the men of the city and the sanctuary's court, the place of the god Sandes." I am not sure whether the last ideograph should be identified with the bowl {da, No. 43), from which it differs essentially in form, or whether we have not here the name of some earlier king which began with Sanda. The character which I have translated " court " is a picture of a temple enclosure or court. On the trough B. 3 it takes the place of the sacred stone in a corresponding passage in M. XIX, B. 8. 4. As I have already remarked, " the sacred stone " (asi-fi-tsi (?)- DET.) is substituted for "Amma-place (?) " or " Kodine (?) " as the title of Amma. The "Amma-place (?) " or "rock Kodine (?) " was thus a Hierapohs. Amma det. ka-i-isi {?)-j?id det. id. det. amis Se-was det. a-}ta "the king of the high-place of Attys, a man of the city of Se (Sawa), the great." 5. The "edicule" is pictured exactly as it is at Boghaz-Keui where it accompanies the priest-king who is embraced by Attys. It is therefore probable that it represents the name of the city. Here the characters which followed it are unfortunately lost, but it is preceded by ara-7n-a "of" or "to the king." The phallus stands on the boot, i.e., the earth, upholding the solar orb, the two wings of which are supported by the two world-columns. On either side of the phallus, the place of which is taken in one instance at Boghaz- Keui by the figure of a priest, is the sacred dirk planted on the quiver {kal, i.e., kalis the gallos-priest). The words in the middle of the line seem to signify, " who has given the Amma-place (?) " or " Kodine (?) to the royal sanctuary." i-wa-i-ta (a)mzs-AMIS-s-»ie-wa m-a-m K-ni-uia, " I am . . . [the kinj^] princely of the city of the land of Irqat, the divine land. Of the city of Unqi the floor anew (and) the images (or the hundred images) of the place of the urim-wearing(?) priest(s) in the temple I constructed and (-;« enclitic) I enlarged." 29 Jan. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1905. 6. Here the meaning must certainly be: "Who has given the Amma-place (?) to the royal city." The last words of the line are probably ai kai-mi " I have made." It can hardly be the third person. For ai see M. I, 3. The Broken Altar. (PI. 11.) The first line only of this inscription is altogether lost. Originally there were five lines of text. 1. The words seem to mean "the sanctuary of the royal monu- ment, belonging to the god Khattu (?)," but an inspection of the original stone is necessary before an exact reading of the line is possible. 2. Here the determinative of "district" is prefixed to the name instead of being affixed as in later inscriptions. This is probably because it is intended to accompany the determinative of "city'' which is similarly prefixed. The city of Ma . . is called the " city of Mames." Unfortunately I cannot make out with certainty the characters which follow the determinative of " country ; " the monu- ment of the "man-fetish," it will be observed, is associated with the god Aramis. 3. Here, as on the trough, kas seems miswritten for me, though kas-11 like kase-ma " high-place " on the Bowl (M. I, 3), would make sense. However, it would be more intelligible to read " the king of the city of the high-place of the man-fetish, the city {me-n) of Aramis." Then comes the passage already discussed under line i of the Altar inscription : " the great high-place of the city of the god Aramis, even the city [of Ma . . ] among the cities [of the land]." The Trough. (PI. III.) Face B, 2. Probably the man-fetish is to be read in this Hne. 4. The characters are not quite certain, but should probably be "the city of the god Uan-na the king of Se " or " Sawe." An examination of the original would, it is likely, settle the reading. The first character in the Hne is found on the obelisk of Izgin (M. XIX, A, 6). 5. It is unfortunate that this line is so mutilated that it is impossible to tell whether the character above kase-n is the quiver or not. In any case it seems to form part of a compound character, the first half of which consists of the builder's tool kai inside an alcove. For a similar character, representing the first syllable of the name of 30 PLATE II. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., January, 1905. Pioc. Soi. Bibl. Arch., January, 1905. PLATE III. ^ * '^ 9 % 1) ^& X ^ .^ J^v ^$^ ^ ?c ^ w:^^nn^^ c ^ ^t •^^ ^1 CQ Jan. II] ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. a country, see M. XII, 3 (where it is followed by da-am-tva) and XLVI, I. The ideograph denoting the name of the second country mentioned in this line is that found more than once in the inscription of Ilgin (M. XXXV. 2, 3). Face A, i. Once more it is unfortunate that all that remains of the name of the country is half of what may be its last syllable se. 3. Here the name of the country is Ara-n. At Fraktin the name is written Ar-i-n with the insertion of the vowel /. It is evidently the Aranna or Arinna of the Egyptian and Assjrian in- sciiptions, whose king is referred to on a cuneiform tablet from Boghaz-Keui, and the site of which is placed by Tiglath-pileser I in the immediate vicinity of Fraktin. As the name, however, signified merely "the royal" city or land, we need not be surprised at finding more than one Arinna or Arne in the Hittite region. Thus there was one in Kummukh and another in Lycia. After the name of " the country of Aran " comes " the city of the nine temple-courts in the country of Kas " {Kase-n). Then follows a word which is either a-na " lord " or a-amma ; neither squeeze nor photograph makes it clear whether the second character is the calf's head {ammo) or the head of the striped sheep {no). On the Obelisk of Izgin (M. XIX, B. 8) " the city of the nine temple-courts " is replaced by "the city of the nine sacred stones" (asi-aine-\y:.-mamis- was), and at Gurun (M. XVIII, A. 3, B. 5) we have "the place of the nine, the lordly, the god supreme over the great nine . . . the place of the nine in this city." Similarly at Carchemish (M. X, 2, 4, 5) the god Aramis is called " supreme over the nine, to whom Khalma has given the land of Kas," and the king Khalma-sar (?) me is called the priest of "the nine great gods who loves the sanctuary of the nine." The "great gods" of the Hittite people were accordingly nine in number, and as they all seem to have represented deified tribes or states, I conclude that the Hittite empire was a confederacy of nine states. 4. The remains of the characters at the beginning of this line appear to indicate that three upright arms were represented. 5. Instead of the boot with the vowel e attached, the characters wa-md (Nos. 4, 21) may be intended. {To be continued.) 31 Ian. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. NEW OFFICIALS OF THE IVth TO VIth DYNASTIES. By James T. Dennis. In the excavations near the Gizch pyramids, with which I was connected last winter, were found many inscriptions of officials of the IVth and VIth dynasties hitherto unknown ; and the Society of Biblical Archaeology may be interested in knowing what we have found. 1. Offering-niche of sandstone, double inscription, which reads as follows : — It is to be noted that the feminine termination o is so frequently omitted in the inscription, only appearing after (I y o ^^' 2. Sandstone lintel, with two horizontal lines of inscription, reading : — \ \ Ser-nefer himself is depicted standing behind the inscription. In front of this tomb was a //ci/iy^-shaped offering table. 3. Just north of the tomb of Ser-nefer is that of Sedemu, whose name appears carved on the lintel, painted red, and reads : — \ O I 000 5S "1^ Beneath the 7iub is a creature roughly carved, probably intended for the hippopotamus, 32 Jan. II] NEW OFFICIALS OF THE IVrii TO Vth DYNASTIES. [1905. 4. A handsomely carved limestone lintel, the upper part bearinor the J A , 0 , formula painted in black, of which only carved ; Ijeneath we read : '\j^ o are u I- A.s there i.s only one shaft back of this niche, it may be concluded that Shepseskaf-n-ankh had no immediate family. 5. A large limestone stele found in the rear of the tomb of Sedemu bears the title I ■, v 1 <=3:> . but is broken on both O ^ 0 ^ U t O sides and above. Beneath is the seated figure of a woman, Nefert-hotep, before an offering table. The transposition of l^cfore T is noteworthy. 6. A large stone mastaba, in the su'dab of which we found two excellent stone statuettes, has the following inscription in two lines : — ^ (j^ r^-^^^ 5a^ 7. The oflering-niche in the tomb of Min-ankh has six perpen- dicular lines of inscription, dated for the Vth dynasty; the titles read as follows : — o o LIU U ^^flll , and ^A 111 33 [an. II] SOCIETY OF I'.IBLICAL ARCH.EOLOCJV. [1905- S. An offering-dish, inscribed to Kaky :- His wife's name is gi\x-n : V^ T 9. A imitilated offering-niehe of sandstone reads as follows : — (ii^ y=r ^ £=, n 10. Large painted chamber in mastaba of Nefer-ked ; titles read : — II. Stele of sandstone, style of 1st or Ilnd dynasty work ; centre has figure of Nebii seated before an offering table. Inscriptions are as follows : — ^ ni^-^^ 1 - A^flliira ^ n T £i\ =^= ^'^^ I H-Hi l ^ < W^ °1\ Beneath this we find his descendants, named : — i^Mi^ showing three daughters and three sons. Many other inscri])tions were found, several dating from Rhiifu, but they are almost illegible. 34 Jan. ii] LISTS OF AROMATIC WOODS AND SPICES. [1905. ON SOME LISTS OF AROMATIC WOODS AND SPICES. Bv THE Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. The tablet Rin. 367 was published as V R 26, No. 2. Dr. Meissner found, and publislied in his Suppkinoit zu den Assyrisclicit Worterbuclicrii (Leiden, i8g8), a piece which joined and completed many lines of the fragment. It thus appeared as a duplicate to K. 4257, published II R. 45, No. 4. This latter tablet has been enlarged by the addition of K. 4346, K. 4392, K. 4433, K. 4545, Sm. 1634, and a number of the additional readings were given in Strassmaier's Alphabetisches Verzeichiiiss. The Catalogue of the Kouyunjik Collections in the British Museum gives a number of further references, and of course the Lexicons have largely drawn upon it for their entries. The copying of a large number of frag- ments of syllabaries, and comparison of many other passages, enable me to give a number of restorations, some of which must await con- firmation. I merely desire to place these on record, in the hope that others will be able to confirm or confute them. Beginning with K. 4257, col. I, line 33, where first I have anything fresh to re- mark, we note argaiiu, omitted by Delitzsch, H. W.B. and Muss- Arnolt. Meissner enters gis-shm-iMAN-nu and gis-siim-ar-kan-nu as to be read drganu; but the sign on "obv. 8, 9 of Rm. 367 " is not Ad^ but fcBy ; see K. 4257, I, 33 to 48. Unfortunately we know neither the pronunciation of tEf, nor the meaning of Gis ^f. On K. 4257 the rendering of the latter ended in ru. It is followed by gis-^J-kur- RA, of which the rendering also ended in ru. In view of the way in which a number of the ideograms are evidently built up from the Assyrian words, like gis-sim-ar-man-nu from armaiiKit, I think both Gis-^y and Gis-^-KUR-RA were read knr-rii. Now kiirru was some- thing that could be eaten, we have pots of kurrii amongst lists of food and drink, A.D.D. 979, 7 ; 1023, 9 and Zimmern, B.K.B.R., No. 67, obv. 7. In the next line K. 4257 gives gis ^f ud, as the same thing. In the next line we have Gis ^f kur-RA again, this time rendered by ar-man-iiit. Then follow the two lines quoted by Meissner, as obv. 8, 9. Both Delitzsch and Muss-Arnolt enter annaiinu, but neither of them seems to notice the ideographic writings Gis-^f-KUR-RA. Then follow Gis-^f kur-rulum, rendered su, i.e.., \\\-\\\\V,kurrHlu. 35 Jan. II] LISTS OF AROMATIC WOODS AND SPICES. [1905. Meissner, p. 40, enters a kunil . . . which he thinks was some- thing made of reed. Perhaps this is the same thing. Next we have cis-^f dam-sil-lum, read su, perhaps tamsilhim. Then we get (>is-^|-a-aim5A read ummu. The next word pissu is entered by Dehtzseh, U.W.B., p. 533 a. Its ideogram was c.is-^y-AX-ZA. In .-i./^./A 1036, II, n, <^\s-pis-si appears to be in opposition to " two asses," imer-arad, which are said to be the VAs-pis-si oS. the ainclu sd pdni ckalli. Is it possible that i.MKR here is a measure and (\\i,-pis-si the sweet smelHng plant, or herb, in our list? The next word is to be read signsii, see Delitzsch, H. Jl'.L'., p. 641 a. The ideogram is (iis-^f-siis. The next word is arsicbbu ; Delitzsch omits; Muss-Arnolt omils ideogram, but gives the meaning " stronghold," surely wrong here ; Meissner only has cas- . . . gud. The ideogram is Gis t^f ZIU-GUl). Next we have tindni't, H.ll'.JL, p. 7 1 1, the ideogram is gis-^* GIS-MA. Next we have kamessafii ; Delitzsch omits ; Muss-Arnolt quotes A.V. 4091 ; Meissner does not give the ideogram here which is gis- ^f-Gis-DA, but he gives the ideograms from col. II, 12 {{, GlS-KIIJ-KUK-RA, GIS-KIL!-I,AH, GIS-KIlJ-SAr,. The next word is sippiri't : Delitzsch, H. IF./)'., p. 510 a, enters it, but cannot complete the ideograms, which are (Us-^y-UD, and cas-ttf-AD-KIU-XUN-K.!. This ends the group of gis ^f. In Rm. 367 a group follows, beginning gis-sk, but on K. 4257 there is a break of about 19 lines. Hence the sequence was different. The words in this group are well-preserved, s/i///}, s/isuw, supcj///, sassugu, all entered by J )elilzsch, wiih their ideograms, correctly. The next two lines do not appear to be entered in the lexicons. The fiis-TK-i>u-KU is rendered sak sa />///, ditto si; : which I read iirkusa h'lli^ox kdiikii. Then gis-rii' tk-du-ku is rendered '■'■ sit-in iil ditto." Here Km. 367 ends its first (?) column. The next line of K. 4257, which I should < all line 65 perhaps, began with Gls-slNlG, perluqis read b'litii^ x//i/id/i/, cjr kipiialii. Rm. 367 has not preserved this line, nor the next nine lines, which began willi gis-si-lu, fol- lowed by Gis-sl-LU-KU repeated eight times, doubtless with additions, 36 Jan. II] LISTS OF AROMATIC WOODS AND SPICES. [1905. though there may have been as many renderings given in the Assyrian column. The first Hne of Rm. 367, given in Meissner's Supplement. Texts, p. 23, is, I think, Hne 75 of K. 4257, col. I. The ideogram seems to have been gis se lib (?) si-lu-ku, followed by Gis-ZER si-LU-KU, which seems to mean the same as the last, for Rm. 367 apparently began with a ditto sign. In the next line K. 4257 repeats the ideogram, Rm. 367 begins the rendering with zi-lr. We can now combine the duplicates and have all the ideo- grams complete. They are gis-an-na-si-lu-ku, gis-se (or du ?)- si-LU-KU, Gis-PA-si-LU-KU, all rendered by a word beginning sippa- {tu ?). The last ideogram is repeated with the rendering iptu or artii. These are entered by Meissner. From this line to the end of col. I, line 85, Rm. 367 completes K. 4257. The latter ended with GIS-SLM-AN-NIN-IB = id-ki-ip-tll. Col. II of K. 4257 began with Gis-siAr-MEs-Li, for wliich Rm. 357 has Gis-sm-SAL ; the former renders si-mcs-sa-lii-i'i, the latter sl-)iies-sa-lu-u. Rm. 367 gives next gis-sim-mes-la =■ ditto, K. 4257 omits that. Both resume with gis-li = bu-ra-sii. In line 5, K. 4257 reads kis-ki-ra-an-ni, Rm. 367 has kir-ki-ni-naf, or kil-ki-ra-itaf. Then the next five lines are alike. Rm. 367 then gives nine lines, of which K. 4257 only preserves the traces of Gis-siM, and has nothing after line 24. Rm. 367 gives 54 lines which may have come in col. II, but there were evidently many more besides, I reckon at least twenty. Col. Ill of K. 4257 begins with Reverse, col. II, line 17, of Rm. 367, both having giS-ter gis-sur-man. As this is the first line of a new column, K. 4257 renders kisti sa^ while Rm. 367 has " ditto," i.e., kistii. What K. 4257 had next I cannot read, it seems to be '(?>, but I have no confidence in the reading. Next both read gis-tei^ gis-ha-sur = ditto hasur; gis-ter G\i-A-T\j-G\\i-^]z^ ditto sar-l>a-ti ; gis-ter Gis-MA-'ti a = ditto eri ; Gis- Nu-UR-MA = su-/i. Then K. 4257 has gis-lal-dar-ra = ditto, but Rm. 367 renders in full, iin-iiy-imi-ii. K. 4257 gives the next two ideograms only, but Rm. 367 preserves their renderings and gi\es the renderings of the next five lines partly. On the reverse of K. 4257, col. IV began with (;is-sa-kur, and had over eighty lines, the renderings of which are either completely gone or too broken to restore, until what I call line 32. Then we have Gis-iiAR BUR = gi-lap. ... As Gis-BAR began a group in line 30, gi-tap must be part of the meaning of gis-bar. The tap is quite 37 Jan. II] EGVl'TIAX GOLD SIGNKT-RINC. igoS- clear and not part of another character. Hence this place does not support the reading of gis-uar as i:;i/iu. About hne 54 began a group with Gis-si-LU. Parts of the last four or live lines uf cols. IV and V are preserved. Rni. 608, pub. ^' R 26, No. 3, is a duplicate of these, but they give no additional information. xori: OX ax E(;vi'T1ax cold sicxet-ring. V,\ V. Ll. Gkifiith, M.A., KS.A. The follo\\ ing is the legend engraved on a gold ring purchased in Luxor by an American traveller. The copy is from an impression taken by Mr. Nash. " The numarch (?) of the Hermonlhite nome, Divine Father of -\monre, king's son (?), prophet, Opener to the Holder of the Iit'P (?), the ab/i, Yerhararau." Tile [jrieslly titles are difficult to explain. "Divine Father"' seems a general title fur members of a college of priests. Many titles begin with -^^ ^, l\ , but I do not remember this particular /www one; for <^K^ X see Borchakdt, At'x: Zcils. XXX VH, 91, 94; SriEfiEi.iJKKc;, Kcc. de Trav. XXHI, 102 ; Lokkt, Sphinx, V, 148. Verhararau, evidently a person uf high rank, bears a name that was very common about the time of the XX\Tth dynasty, to which period the ring evidently belongs. The next jMeeting of ihc Society will be held on Wednesday, February tSth, i'j05, when the following Paper will be read : — G. St. Clair, Esq. : "The Antediluvian Patriarchs." Jan. ii] ERRATA. [1905- ERRATA. Vol XXVI, p. 280, ]. 3 1 p 281, 1. 28 For " Tastrof" read " Taslrow ". 39 ?3H ^ur. iCT) 'tt r o-rr If ^ Tn a ►n r n 3 o in ^^ B >M c CL o p p P 3 3 _»^ n. O &3 " owg ■ 55& 2 3 aoQ > t/.' fo H lyj crq O — H-j '^ o i^ -r 13 3 o 1^ O >-< ft ^^: & • ' 3 ^ O § •- ^ 5- ^K *T3 ■-^ 're 5 S S 2 il 3 P 01 jr 3 3^ g -1 P c _-< ^ P 5 c« c; 3 "^ ' ■' " P ^^ 5- • ^ • 3- ■ Q . ■& ■ i-i j 00 o < 2 i: p 2 ^ -— - 3 . 3—^ O ■ re . U) re • •-{ • t/j ui « O ON « OC (^ O " v/1 ^^: ^^ ^ O <-" O - 4^ 03 U) O ■-' O 00 1-1 00 O 1^ 3 p 3 o O re = ^ re coiT- ""'^°35Sp£-3 2.PreS>< rn ~2 "^ re X ^ X w- t« o 3 -.^ J p 'S £. H S p - 0 ;-CfQ ■CTQ ^ -as £ ^ .^ O en "' a n> ^_, ►t1"0 hh X^ 3 2 e-^S : ^ -• o • • p cr; M t;'—"^ •-( ?= •-I ^ H r o o o V w K p 3 Cb W: « ^ re CfQ* 3 3 OS ^^ \0 p OTO : t-n re - is kO oi a\4^ Ui O O ocui " \0 O O O H > H M S M :^ H c LD 'n o ?3 o o '— ' w m H H C/: ^ > !^ b O ^ ■-d cc o I— ' H OT C r ?3 w n O > ^- r H X R > > ?C :n 2 ^ s o o o PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1905. Second Meeting, February ^th, 1905. Sir H. H. HOWARTH, K.C.I E., F.R.S., IN THE CHAIR. ■%V^ [No. ecu.] 41 Feb. S] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1905. DONATION FUND. The following Subscri'iDtions were announced : — L .-. d. F. LI. Griffith, Esq 5 o o A. Peckover, Esq., LL.D., cr'f. J. Scattergood, Esq. ... Col. Sir Thomas Brook, Barf. Lord Amherst of Hackney 500 0100 220 ; o o The following gifts to the Library were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — From W. E. Crum, Esq. — " Koptische Grammatik," by G. Steindorff. From the Translators. — " The Twentieth Century New Testament." From the Author, Prof. Dr. Anderson. — " Le Stele de Pithom et les Estampages de M. Ed. Naville." „ „ " Remarques detachees sur Pistis Sophia." From the Author, M. G. Legrain. — La Princesse Mirit-Tafnouit." The following Candidate was elected a Member of the Society : — C. F. Oldham, Esq., Brigade Surgeon, Indian Army, Retired. The following Paper was read : — G. St. Clair, Esq.: "The Antediluvian Patriarchs." The Paper was commented on by Dr. Gaster, Rev. J. Tuckwell, and the Chairman. Thanks were returned for this communication. 42 iKii. 8] ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. THE DISCOVERY O'F ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS IN ASIA MINOR. Bv Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &--c: ( Co>iti lilted frotn page 31.) Concluding Remarks. The remarkable resemblance of the newly-found inscriptions, in their palaeography, forms of expression, theology and territorial titles, to one of the Carchemish inscriptions on the one side and to the inscriptions of Boghaz-Keui, Bei-Keui and Lydia on the other, goes far towards verifying my old hypothesis of a Hittite empire which once extended from the Euphrates to the shores of the .^gean.^^ It may be that the tumulus discovered by Prof. Ramsay near Bei- Keui, to which I have referred above, marks the grave of the prince who led the Hittite troops to Lydia, and by whose orders the image of the mother of the gods was sculptured on the cliff of Sipylus. At any rate a starting-point has at last been found for determining the age of the Hittite texts. More than once I have had to refer to Khalma or Khalama, the name under which this mother-goddess was specially known at Carchemish. Since Aleppo is called in the Assyrian inscriptions Khalma-n, that is the Hittite Khalma-na "the land of Khalma," the goddess must have been worshipped under the same name in the neighbouring city of Aleppo. Many years ago I pointed out in the Academy that geography demands our seeing in the Helam of 2 Sam. X, 16, 17) the Khalma-n of the cuneiform texts, and in the pages of Josephus Helam becomes Khalaman, who is transformed into a person.^- In Egyptian we have Khilip and Khilib instead of '^ Carchemish is mentioned in the Tel el-Amarna correspondence on a mutilated tablet (Berlin 233), though the passage has not hitherto been noticed. We there read : "... [Gar-]ga-mis . . . [the property] of mine . . . they (? the men of Carchemish) have taken." ^- Shobach, the captain of Hadadezer's army, whose name is also written Shophach, is formed similarly to the Hittite Lupakku mentioned in the Tel el- Amarna tablets. 43 D 2 Feb. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^iOLOGY. [1905, KhaliVia-n, the Mitannian p taking the place of the Hittite m as in Tunip (Hittite Tuna-ma), Arabissus (i.e., Arami-ssos) and other names. On a " Cappadocian " seal-cylinder now in the Berlin Museum we find the name of Akhlib, with a transposition of the vowel of the first syllable not uncommon in the Assyrian trans- literation of foreign names. Now I had long been puzzled by the fact that in the inscriptions of Carchemish the king or high-priest calls himself Khalam-mes Gargamcsius, and at first supposed that Khalammes represented a proper name. But its occurrence in two inscriptions, one of which at all events belonged to a king with a totally different name, as well as on the Bowl and at Bulgar-Maden, made it evident that this supposition must be false. The true meaning of the word was revealed only after I had observed the way in which the suffix -mes was used in other words. Thus on the Layard seals id. Samia-mes is "the seal of Sandes," "the Sandian seal/'^-' and Khalam-i?ies will correspondingly be "belonging to Khalma,"' "the Khalamite." But even after arriving at this conclusion I remained blind to its real significance until when reading over again the cylinder inscription of Tiglath-pileser I, I noticed that he describes the Akhlame or " Akhlamites," whose name is familiar to Assyriologists, as inhabiting the country from the borders of the Shuhites on the Balikh north- wards "as far as Carchemish," and as possessing cities at the foot of mount Basere, now Tel Basher. Carchemish, therefore, was in the district of the Akhlame, and when we remember the equivalence of the cuneiform Akhlib-sar and the Egyptian Khilip-sar, it becomes obvious that the Akhlame of the Assyrian scribes are the Khalamme of the Hittite texts. As the people of Ararat were called Khaldians after their god Khaldis, so the population in and about Carchemish were called Khalamites after the goddess Khalma. So striking a result ought to convince the most sceptical that my decipherment of the Hittite hieroglyphs is on the right lines. Khalma or Khalama, " the place of Khal " or " Khala " is itself a derivative. Hence I am not surprised to find in Assyrian legal documents published by Mr. Johns, numerous proper names — Khali-ilu " Khali is a god," Khale-abu " Khale is a father," Khali- iddi, Khala-mu'su, Khala-suri — which show that Khala or Khali was a god. Khal-ma " the place of Khala," on the other hand, was '•'' In M. XXXIX, 6, the second character is da (Xd. 43), as an inspection of the original has disclosed to me. 44 Fee. S] archaic IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. a goddess representing a state, and, like other Hittite goddesses, would accordingly have worn the mural crown. The great goddess- mother herself was regarded as the cultivated earth, and the figure of the goddess of Carchemish now in the British Museum holds in her right hand a plough, the symbol of the city and of the other products of human labour. In her left hand is her title " the goddess Amma," but her name at Carchemish was more specifically Khalma, derived from the neighbouring city of Khalma-n or Aleppo. Even in classical times the river Kuwek, on which Aleppo stands, still bore the name of Khalos, and the district into which it flowed was known as Khalkis (now Kinnesrin) which, like "Cilicia," was an equivalent of the Hittite Khal-gha. At Karaburna (M. XLVI, 2) Khalma is called Khal-gha-na " of the land of Khal-ghas," though the Tyana text (M. XXXIII, a. 2) shows that this is Cilicia and not the Syrian Khalkis. The latter name, by the way, is thus proved to have had no connection with the Greek Khalkis. The vowel of the first syllable varied from a to / .• Khila-ruadas is the name of two kings of Malatiyeh mentioned in the ^"annic inscrip- tions, and Cilicia was called Khalukka as well as Khilakka by the Assyrians. On Hittite seals Khalma is conjoined not only with Aramis of Carchemish (M. XLIII, 8) but also with Sandes (M. XLI, i). Sandes, as we learn from "the inscription of Babylon" (M. II), was (hke Tessub in Mitanni) identified with the Syrian Hadad, whose figure is engraved on the stela, and Hadad, according to Shalmaneser II, was the patron god of Aleppo. Westward of Aleppo lies the old site of Termanin, which Mr. Tomkins long since identified with the Tarmanna of Thothmes III. But it is also the Tarmana-zi of Shalmaneser 11, who places it in the territory of the Khattind, Tarmanna-zi being derived from Tarmana by means of the patronymic suffix which is variously represented as -si and -si by the Egyptian, Assyrian and Greek scribes. Tarma-na itself is " the land of Tarma," like Tarkhu-na, mentioned by Tiglath- pileser I, from which the name of the Hittite king Tarkhu-na-zi "the son of the land of Tarkhu" has come. The Greek Syennesis must be of a similar formation, though whether we are to see in the first syllable the name of the god Sawa and so make the name Sue-na-si " son of the land of Sue," it is impossible to say. The divine name may be Zuin, which, in the Cappadocian cuneiform inscriptions, represents the Assyrian Sin. 45 Feb. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.i:OLOGV. [1905. But however this may be, Tar-ma is a formation similar to Khal-ma, and presupposes an original Tar. The same fact is evidenced by the allied names of Tar-khu or Tar-qu and Tara-sis, which we find in Lycaonia in the Greek period, not to speak of Tar-zi or Tarsus (Tarshish). Who Tar was must be left to future research to discover. APPENDIX. HiTTiTE Seals in the Ashmole.\n Museum. (See Plate.) I have added copies of eleven Hittite seals now in the Ash- molean Museum at Oxford, all of which are unpublished, with the exception of three (8, 9 and 10) which have been given by Messer- schmidt, but incorrectly, his copies having been made from defec- tive photographs or impressions, and in one case from a faulty copy of my own. Accordingly I reproduce them here : — 1. From Boghaz-Keui. It reads amine t>¥.t. Sa n da -a fii '^ (seal) of king Sanda-anis," the Greek Sandanis (Hdt. I, 71). On the left is the trident of Tarku or Sawa, with the sacred stone above it ; cp. M. XLIII, I. 2«, 2^. Obverse and reverse of another seal. On the obver.se is the double-headed eagle of Eyuk, flanked on either side by the symbol of Attys (the phallus on an akar-table). 3. Ring of silvered bronze said to come from Samsun, bought in Cairo. The name of Khalma is written on it, Khal-me-a. Perhaps it reads : " Of Khalma-sar king of the land of . . ." 4. Bronze seal, from the collection of the late Mr. R. P. (ireg. Perhaps we should read a-m-e-i . . -me-wa " I am of . . mewas," since a has two dots on either side of it. 5. Silver pommel or boss, bought in Constantinople in 1903, and surrounded by a border similar to that of the sealing in M. X 4, 3, 2, 4. It is possible that the cross immediately below "the sacred stone" may be intended for the character was. 6. On a grey stone, bought at Aintab and said to come from Tell Basher. On the obverse is the figure of a man standing, with peaked tiara, bow behind the back, and an undefined object in the left hand. The object on the left of the inscription is the sword which appears in M. X, 4, 13 and 17, and which is replaced by a hand holding a sword on a splendid gold ring obtained by Prot. Ramsay at Konia, and now in the Ashmolean Museum. It will mean "warrior," "liero," or the like. 46 Proc. Soc. Bib I. Arch., Feb., 1905. Obz^en 1 1 Reverse III IV A -3A Jl ^ IL VI VII VIII IX X XI HITTITE SEALS. (In ihe Ashmoleaii Museum. Feb. 8] ARCHAIC HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. 7. On a red stone from Aintab, said to come from Tell Basher. It seems to read from below upwards: ana-me-ivas det. "the kingly," 8. This seems to be the original of the seal less correctly given in M. XLII, 7, 8, unless the latter has made its way from the possession of Count von Miilinen to Oxford. The name reads : . . -a-na-amma which reminds us of Panammu. 9. Bought at Aintab and said to come from Tell Basher. The obverse, which is here reproduced, is less correctly given in M. XLV, 4. • On the reverse is : " king of the city of Nini." 10. Bought at Smyrna in 1889 and less correctly published by myself in the Jouriial of the Archaeological Institute (1890) XLVIJ, pp. 215 sq., from which Messerschmidt has taken his copy (M. XLV, 3). The compound character (under Sanda) on one of M. Schlumberger's sealings (M. X, 4, 17) must be corrected from the Smyrna seal. 11. Seal in the possession of Count A. Palma di Cesnola, Florence. 47 Feb. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGV. [1905. GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. Bv H. R. Hall, M.A. {Co utititted from page 20.) GRit:co-EGYPTL\N Mummy-Lalels. I. Rough square, unpainted : letters deeply incised. 6" x 5^". cthXh oi,pC€N TOYnA^ . , Z^TiiXij Xjiaci'iov l\uvo7ro\i{-oii). "Stele of Arseuios, PanopoKte." From Akhmim (Panopolis) Ilird Cent. a.d. [No. 21638.] 2. Oblong ; two perforated handles. Letters incised, painted red. 8i" x 2f". €COHPIC €BI U)CCN Le sic Eaotipa eftiwaeu Ld : " Esoeris has lived 9 years." Le Blant 88. The name is the same as that of the " Old-Coptic " label of the Berlin Museum, No. 10541, 3S9YOD9> Esouere (" Isis the Great," H -^^ "^^ m ) ^^'^ich becomes on the Greek side of the label E(Tovi]i>f<. (Steindorff, Z7C'ei altkoptische Muviienetiketten, A. Z., xxviii (1890) p. 50) cf. Etgoj7>/s No. 55, below. [No. 9892.] 3. Oblong, with one; perforation. 5^" x 2\". Letters incised. Toi'a'/'CTn3 = T/to^ao.' and /^i)^3 = — / cannot be f^'^'n^ , but must be ^ Q, as usual : the demotic form of mA is >"^~n~'^ (Brugsch, ]Vo?-ferluick, p. 159), so that we must transliterate the name of Louvre 9490 as ^^ ^^^ I m r^ H"^ ' ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^§^ being doubtful. Two other bilingual labels of the British Museum con- taining the name give respectively J;~^J: >j'^3 ( ^ ^^[T| 'Pi) nt ) Ta-/iies-daf, "the big child" (f) = — Oucmw.-, and l.'^h'A'^'^ ic^ ^^\V\y ^ rj])' '^^"'6 same, = e/«Go-/«'v. Since then the majority of the bilinguals give the meaning " the big child," I should be inclined to regard the i^ of Louvre 9490 as simply a mistake of the scribe ; possibly, too, the omission of the in B.M. 23204 is a mistake, as one would expect the Greek equivalent of simple c:^ \\\\y ^OU r^T ^° ^^^ Qfiwffcs rather than B/irff/a-^'. I know of no such personal name as M^ Vw^ or I(t'v, ltjOT€ This may mean "Tamene," 32 years (old). Piphiote,. son of Pakhoumis," thus mentioning two persons, Tamene and Piphiote. niIU)T€ may however be an Egyptian word written in Greek letters, and mean simply "his father" (lieqeiCUX, ^^'^^^'^■^^^ ^ ^)" ^"'^'^ "^^^ Coptic" forms are found: (■/. Steixdorkf, /.c, p. 49. We shall then read "Tamene, 32 years. His father, son of Pakhoumis." This again may refer to two persons, Tamene and his father, who was son of Pakhoumis, or may refer simply to Tamene, father of a person unnamed, and son of Pakhoumis. The nominative case of Il«x»'7"*'' need not trouble us : the Egyptians were inclined to ignore Greek inflections, having themselves an uninflected language. But Tanei'e, again, appears to be a woman's name rather than a man's (Ta-Min " She who belongs to Min ") and Piphiote may be the same as Tlciiic- or ncjSiv^; ^')^)<,2_ "the Panther." [No. 24548.] 6. Oblong, one end tapering. 4" x i|". Letters incised. Weaot'Tiv I] (I 7. As 6. 8. As 6. }lat'ov~t9 J Icrroi'Tiof [No. 24491.] [No. 24450.] IltTf T/>/0/OV IIf ffO»'T/OV [No. 24458-] 'i'he three labels above (6, 7, 8) are cut by the same hand, and each bears on the Rev. a design L°J\ incised. 'J"he Per-ontis son of Feb. 8] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. Pakhoumis of 6 is evidently the father of the Panoupis and Petetriphios of 7 and 8, sons of Pesontis. The name riax"",'"* (^^.^a3It, Pa-ahomau, "the Eagle"; cf. naftfiKt^, "the Hawk") was common for neT6Tp*0/(o)« : v. No. 38. UeffovTt^ appears to eq\iaX Fasofifi, "He who belongs to the So;iltree," c/.No. 51, below. navovTTi, = ^ ^.QTT J ^' Pa-Anup, "He who belongs to Anubis." 9. Square, with pierced handle. 3I" x 2|". Letters incised. nANOY nic \Y nAxon IIPHC X\avov~i^ v\ UcixoTTtjfjij^ : " Panoupis the younger {I'eic-c/w'^), (son of?) Pakhoperes " (?). The name IluxoTnjpiji- is Pa-Khepra (Pakhopiri), "He belongs to the god Khepra." [No. 23220.] 10. Oblong, with two pierced handles. 5^' x if. Letters incised. BHCicneN Bijais- llfi'[. i.e., " Besis son of Pen ....," the first three letters only of the father's name being given. [No. 23203.] II. As 10. 7I" X 3". AeACAP€OY TO kAi n€T€N€GlJULlC JU-HT AlONYClAC HH 'AOarrcipcoc To(i') Kal neTCi'cfpOifiiv ^()yT(/Jos') Aiovvmav, l^dj. " Of Athasareos, also called Petenephthimis, (son of his) mother Dionysia. 18 years (old)." Late Hlrd Cent. [No. 26442.] 51 Feb. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. L1905. 12. As 10. 04 A~o\\«,'v CTlL'l' I' "Apollos the dragoman, 50 years old. Farewell!" Cf. Le Blant 72 (Turin). [No. 29516.] 13. Oblong: pierced handle. 4^" x 2V'. Letters incised. C€NnA XOV Tl eOHTOC " Of Senpakhoumis (daughter) of Tithoes." For 'EevTraxov/ii^, cf. No. 59 and v. No. 60. With Tt06>]<.- cf. Tcroijf and T^to/}t>;^-, Parthey, Aegyptische Personeiinaine?i, p. 152. and the Coptic name 'fTonre (Zoega, Catalogus, 372). It = S^rroVv, ziXtUI. (See N(j. 52, below.) [No. 26440.] 14. As 13. 4" X 2". Letters incised. GATPHC KoPTOO LKZ e«T/.>/9 KOPTOO L/vi': "Of Thatre 27 years (old)." G«T^>;/ "the Mare" or "the Twin (/)." KOPTOO is probably the beginning of her fathers name. [No. 26441.] 15. As 13, with string in place. 3^" x 2\." Letters incised: handle above, instead of to left of, the inscription. KAA^ CIPIC NCCO npoc TA Lk Blaxt, 91, reads, Y) 7\, " Kalasiris ihe younger, ;^;^ (years old)." Such a transposition as -/X for \y is 52 Feb. 8] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. not uncommon. For the name, f/. Le Blant, 1-4, Parthev, /.r., p. 46. The name K«\«o-//j/v is interesting in connection with the well- known Egyptian words Ka\rifTi'i>ic^; the designation of a division of the Egyi)tian soldiery, and ku\ci(Tipiv, a linen vestment, handed down to us by Herodotos (ii, 164-168 ; vii, 89; ix, 32 ; ii, 81). These words remained unexplained until, in 1847, Birck discovered in a papyrus of Roman date the proper name Jg^s i^ Ke/dser, of an D -^^^ or hereditary chief. The determinative showed that the name was of military origin, or denoted a soldier, and the identifi- cation with the K«\rto-//j(s- of Hdt. ii, 164, was obvious. {Revue Archcologiqiie IV (1847-8) p. 195).^^ Letronne then showed that Y^a\aaipi or S of Roman days would then be a corruption. Brugsch considered that he had discovered the needed phrase in the old expression ^__^ fl -^_^ D^ "^^ ^ . ^^^''^" he^^^i^\ "fighting youth." {B.IF.S., p. 958.) The accuracy of this identification rests on the determination of the value of the sign Q^- If it is only to be read tl/>. li '. , p. 1 499. '^ The word occurs in the Kgyptian from KaXfarjpL (Spiegelberg, /oc. cii.) and as ^^ -^-J _,j_^ j^ '^ in the name of a Romano-Egyptian official for whom a British Museum papyrus, edited by Dr. Budge, 1899, was written. 54 ?Y.B. 8] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEU.AL [1905. [Brugsch's explanation of the word as Kalsere left the meaning of the element Kal- unexplained : Spiegklberg {loc. at., p. 17*) has explained it: he says, "Ich mochte hier zunachst unter allem Vorbehalt der Vermutung Ausdruck geben : ddi?,?, G{k)lsrJ {i.e., ^ %] = K«\«(T?/>(v eine dialektische Nebenform von p poJlpe = ^eXojipe : ^pcyspe ist (this was already pointed out by Birch as long ago as 1847 : Prof. Spiegelberg's next suggestion is, however, new) und wie dieses auf T ^^^ 21) (J (2 W^ , " kleiner Syrer," zuriickgeht. Aus Syrischen Soldnern ware zunachst der Begriff " Soldat " entwikkelt, wie die libyschen /udj [i.e., mfi\, "Soldner," JULA.TOI "Soldat," ergeben haben. SoUte nach einer schonen Vermutung Alasperos {Histoirc des Peuples de FOrieiit iii, 500 f.) dieser Name in den 'E/>;/( >.■ from KnXuaiin^ (as "the shirted men "), on the analogy of an impossible derivation of the'E/j/(OTii/:}/cv from 'i/iii7rj3ioi' "a towel" (Aristoi'Hanes, Ploutos, 729), shows that he did not necessarily accept the translation ' Lederbepanzerte,' which he ascribes to Brugsch. i*" The proper name K«A«o-//j<9, then, is the same as the military term of Hdt. ii, 164, &c., meaning "young warrior" : the K«\rto-//j(e9 being the " young warriors," the successors of the 9 ^T^ 6j) 1 T X i^/\isN\ /T I 0 I I I fuimi 7ieferu and o ^^ <2 20 I at'etu of earlier times. Y^nXaann^ the linen chiton is an altogether distinct word, the original form and meaning of which are not yet clear. Some linen garment habitually worn by Y^uXunlinw may have been called after them. [No. 9893.] •'^ I cannot find any passage in which Brugsch definitely adopts De Saulcy's explanations. In IVbch., p. 1499, he speaks of " /foXaa-jpjj als Panzer," but I can find no mention of leather. {To be continued.^ P^fiAG • iieiiTAVTAKoq 11TUHT6 uneeTciACTHpioii MS. Coptic, g. 3. A parchment fragment containing a few letters of Luke xxii, 29-30 {cf. Woide, p. 69). e N TOT re HAT v| eoj-l- oto UHTII e tOTCUl oil ijoru CO Til r IJTAUIIT HTfniieil iiinpoiioc KpiiieiiT %\ UC|)TA * r (?iiooe|2iiiHnpoiioc, Balestri.) (?i:!cn£iieTnopoiioG, Woide.) U6 58 Feb. SJ SAHIDIC BIBLICAL FRAGMENTS. LI 905. The verso is most illegible. I could only make out clearly one word, ApxiepeTO, which might come from the beginning or the end of the same chapter. Some lines above that word is a stroke and mark in red ink, which must either indicate the beginning of a chapter, or if the leaf comes from a lectionary, the beginning of the passage selected for reading. MS. Coptic, g. 3. A parchment fragment containing John xi, 27-29, 32-34 {cf. Woide, 91-92). eicAMOK'l-ni TGTeXIITOK ne\cniyHi niioTTen iiHTenivO LI <\va)HTep6CX IIAI • ACBOJ UOTT lATeC ccoii • ec:^aju UOCIIACII3:iOV6 xeAHCAeei atco jTTeepo • iJTO AGMTepeccajTU Verso. 3:a)uuoG n3:oeiceiieK neiLiAiiepenA v^o lAuoTAune iGcre TepeqiiAT epocecpiue to IIIOTAAIIITAT eiHuuAcerpiue Aq^TopTpeu nenuAiieeiiii TOOT • ATCone XAqSIITATeTII KAAqTtoii . ne A'AViiAq^'en^o (3:6, Woide.) (uHKOO-uoc, Woide.) (3cencA2, Woide. 3i:eAnCA2, Frag. Nan.) (uniUA, Woide.) (^ceiiTA, Woide.) 59 E 2 Feb. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1905. MS. Coptic, d. 4. This MS. consists of six paper leaves contain- ing fragments of the Acts of the Apostles, but not all taken from the same MS. The second and third, both unfortunately mutilated, are obviously written in the same rather graceful sloping hand with twenty-five lines to the page. The fourth and sixth, too, are identical, in a handwriting, black, stiff, upright and not at all prepossessing, with twenty-three lines to the pages. The first, a page of twenty-six lines, and the fifth, a page of twenty-three lines, are both in sloping hands, very like that of the second and third, but not, I think, identical with it, nor yet with one another. All the verses here given, with the exception of Acts vii, 56, will be found in Woide, pp. 123-161, from whose text I give the variant readings. The first fragment consists of one page containing Acts vii, 53- viii, 4 ; the variants from Woide's text are : — VII. 55, After ATCjuic is inserted the word ri3:oeiC. 56. This verse is omitted in the MS. used by Woide, here it is given, ne3:Aqxe6ic2HHTe'l'iiATi_innTeeTovHii • ATton^HpeiinptDiie • et|AeepATqiiGAOTiKviii-i niiovTe. 58. eep^^jipe]. ep^ipe. 60. AqA^KAK]. AC|tO^. VIII. I. ceiievAOKGi rie]. cvuerAOKei. uneeoov]. euneeoor. OVIIOO'lTn.MA/rlc]. oveAn/riG. 2. eeiiptoue]. eiipojue. FipeqpeoTe Aveipe]. iipeqpeoTeiipeqpeoTe • AVtU. 3. eqctOKii]. GqctoueBOAii. The second and third fragments are two consecutive pages from the same MS., containing Acts xi, 12 — xii, 4. The pages had but one column, and have unfortunately been torn in half lengthwise, so that only about half the writing remains. XI. 12. iiiiiiAV • rirAiAKpiiic}]. iiuuAV-Lin; the rest is torn off; the second line beginning with atg!. 13. 0011]. MOO. 60 Feb. S] SAHIDIC BIBLICAL FRAGMENTS. [1905. 14. xujiiAKii2eiJjiiA3:e]. 3:mepiyA^'6. 15. oil zn]. oil 62^[n]. There seems hardly space enough for [ileeiiTAq 3:00c • 3:eiaJ2Aii] in a line which already contains the words ^A:x6un3:oeic, as it would make an unusually long line. 17. AOjpeA]. [AtoJpAIA. 18. miKeeeo]. iiiieeo. 19. eBOAeil]. 6BOAei. UllTKVn]. UIIKTn. 20. neATtonKvpiiiiiAioc]. These words are omitted. eTTA>yeoei^] ^iiav. 22. eepAie]. om. e. OIAHU]. OIGAHU. 23. iievpcuue]. iieorp[coue]. 26. AT3:iTq]. Aq, which is apparently the beginning of AquTq, the reading of Huntingdon 3. ACiycone]. AC^yconeAe. uoTUHHiye]. [iioTUHjH^e • eiiA^(JL)[q]. 27. eeunpocj)], 2iinpo(|). 28. KAATAIOC]. KAATTIOC. 29. xoot]. XOOTCOT. XII. 3. AqepAiJAV]. There is only room for one letter between the q and the A ; presumably that letter is p, though it is illegible. 4. eTpereApee], eeApee. The fourth fragment is a single page, in the same handwriting as the sixth. The upper part of the page has been cut off; it contains Acts xi, 21-25 '^''^d 26-29. XI. 21. AeuuHHiye]. uunH^eAe. 22. lAHU]. IGAHU. aiiaiojcia]. ahtioxia. 24. ueTptoue]. ovpujue. 61 Feb. S] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1905. 26. UHH^e]. UHH^ye eiiA^^coq. uoTTe u]. uoTTG eu. aiiaioxia]. aiitioxia, and so again in the next verse. uexpic/riAiiot:], NvpioTiAiioc. 27. 2eiin(JO(j>irnii]. ?ri[ii]po(|)MTnc. 2S. PAN AlWIiOC Aq]. pAlinOAIWIiOC • GAq. 29. exeov]. GTev.. eepAi]. ^pAi. The fifth fragment is also a single sheet, and contains Acts xviii, 15-25. XVIII, 17. ee.vvHif]. ?.v\Mii. ctoceeiiiiHc]. ctoooeiinc. npocvxe]. ripocexG. 18. rieoiiKe]. ueiiKe. eA^Tfiniiec]. ?AT6IIRO. npiCKA.V.w]. npiCKIA.VA. eecKe]. 2eKe. Ker\peAG]. KerxpAiAc. (3pHT]. ApHT. 20. criGtonq]. coricajflq. 22. KeCApiA]. KAICApiA. 23. eqTAA'po], eTAApo. 24. eiOVXAl]. lOVAAI. enecure]. e. eTHTq]. oTiJTq. The sixth fragment is another leaf from the same MS. as the fourth, and contains Acts xxi, 34— xxii, 2. XXI. 34. Giuc3eiitopA]. oiiienopx ejSLiTq e]. exiTq e?pAi g. 36, GIIGpGnAAOO TAp]. lIGpGriAAOG. (;VAi'JKAK]. G'/tO^M. 37. riGAwq u]. riBiSAq iioi. nG3:A(piA(j A(;]. om, ikvq. 62 Feb. 8] SAHIDIC BIBLICAL FRAGMENTS. [1905. 38. neiiTAqBocre]. neiiTAqqujo-c. Hiiei]. mil. epHuoc]. Hpnu. 39. FlTeTKV.MKIA]. IITKV.WKIA. IIOTHO.VOC]. iJorno.MG. 40. e:xii]. eixii. cVqKllj]. cVqKALI. co^pe^]. ccrpA2T. SUJLIUOC]. XtOUIJOG IIAV. XXII. 2. IJULIAV TlTACneUUNT]. IJUUAV . ULIIJT. From MS. Coptic, g. i. A paper fragment, apparently of a sermon, containing several Biblical quotations. eiuiiT € IT Ao I II to? A u ij H cKco u u o cxe u n p n I CTe ve u nTiTv 11 1 u • aaaa . n AOKiUA'<:.e 11116I111A UT6TI1 eiue i John, iv. i, xe eeiieBo.v eunuovre iie • n €lTA Oil HAVAOC 3:UJLIUOG XG GTG n n ("1 Til uocre enniooov CTeTii tuj Rom. xii. 9. n n creuuujTU enneTUAiiorq. For the first quotation cf. Woide, p. 221, and Balestri, p. 453, where UTeTii eiue is omitted: and for the second cf. Balestri^ p. 343, the onl}' variant being unneeooT for ennieooT. The verso is — Ap eilTOAH urpeoTG nAinenoTco^ umiovTe TeiiovtreiiAuepATeeiceHHTeATe TiictDTueiieieiiTOAHuniJovTe unujpcreTeiioTeTpenovAnoTA ncoTuiineqecooT • HTeqBAAune eqxujuuoG 3:661 !>;'>^->f- ^< jx ]) and the Babylonian city Nina (pLp<] ^) were pronounced in practically the same way — a presumption which is strengthened by M. Thureau-Dangin's No. 48, which gives the name of the city with the phonetic complement _^, na. In that case, however, the form, according to the writing, seems to have differed somewhat from that of the Assyrian Nina, the long end-vowel a not being expressed, and therefore, probably, not pronounced. The following paragraphs give, provisionally, the contents of the colophons of these tablets : — 1. 'The catch for Nina's festival of increase-eating, month Izin-es-ea, which Ne-saga the fisherman brought ; En-gal-gala, the superintendent of the women's house offered(?) it. Bara-namtarra, wife of Lugal-anda, viceroy of Lagas." (Thureau-Dangin, Reciieil de Tahkttes Chaldcennes, No. 30.) 2. Fish brought apparently as an offering to Nin-Girsu by two fishermen. ' En-gal-gala, the superintendent, has offered the catch to the store-house.' (No. 31.) 3. 'The reservoir-fisherman has brought the catch as the fish- offering of the month Gud-du-ne-mua, offering it to the store-house. Bara-namtarra, wife of Lugal-anda, viceroy of Lagas. (No. 32.) 4. This inscription is divided into tw^o parts, — the catch for the festival of increase-eating, and the catch for the festival of grain- eating. The names of the superintendent and the wife of the viceroy do not appear, the text ending with the words: 'Lugal- anda not invested patesi of Lagas.' (No. 33,) 5. This records a catch by Amar-ku-nuna, the fresh(?)-water- fisherman, in the month of the festival of increase-eating, apparently offered to the god Nin-Girsu. The name of En-gal-gala appears. (No. 34.) 6. 'The catch for Nina's grain-eating festival and increase- eating festival, which the reservoir-fishermen have brought, and En-gal-gala, the superintendent of E-urra, the women's house, has offered. Bara-namtarra, wife of Lugal-anda, viceroy of Lagas.' (No. 35-) 72 Feb. 8] NINA AND NINEVEH. [1905. 7. 'The fish-offerings which the reservoir-fishermen have brought for the month Ga-lu-ura, and En-gal-gala, the superintendent of the women's house, has offered.' (No. 36.) 8. The fish which ' Udu the freshwater-fisherman has brought for the month Sig-ba-a, and En-gal-gala, the superintendent of E-urra, has offered.' (No. 37.) The large Brussels tablet, like Nos. i, 4, 5, and 6, also refers to the catch of the month of the festival of increase-eating. It seems to be described as having been brought, in accordance with the command of the god Nin-Girsu, by En-gal-gala, the superinten- dent, to the storehouse. A reference to the goddess Bau suggests, however, that the offering was not made to Nin-Girsu, but to her. The inscription ends, like many of the others, with the name of the wife of the viceroy, in this case Sagsaga, consort of Uru-ka-gina. Of special interest, however, is the text inscribed on the tablet of this series belonging to Mr. Harding Smith (see Plate). The colo- phon reads as follows : — ' Fish-offering to Innana (Istar), En-galgala, the superintendent, has taken to urn azaga (the holy city). Uru-ka-gina, viceroy of Lagas.' It will thus be seen that the offerings of fish recorded by these tablets were made to the goddess Nina in the first place, and also to Istar and Bau, and probably the god Nin-Girsu. Naturally as all the gods could be identified with each other, the same thing might be said for the goddesses, and if this be the case, the identification of Nina with Istar, the goddess of Nineveh, might be held to be certain. In this connection it is noteworthy that many Assyriologists, including Prof. Sayce and Prof. Jastrow, long before these tablets came to the notice of Assyriologists, had already come to this conclusion. Jastrow describes the name of the goddess and of the city as meaning, in the Babylonian system of writing, 'House of the fish,' 'house' being used in the sense of 'possessing' or 'harbouring' — ' fishtown.' That the Babylonian city of Nina, situated so near the sea, should have been given such a name, is natural, and the same thing might be said of the Assyrian Nineveh, the Tigris at Mossul (as Mr. Rassam tells me) abounding in fish. Prof. Jastrow points out that the Assyrian capital is frequently spoken of as the ' beloved city ' of Istar, and unless it be supposed that this epithet simply reflects the comparatively late date of the popularity of the distinc- tively Assyrian Istar, the most natural explanation would be to propose the equation of Nina with Istar. He is of opinion, however, 73 f Feb. SJ SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGY. [1905. that if Nina has any connection with the goddess of Nineveh, it is certain that Istar retained none of Nina's traits. In other words, the fusion of Nina at Nineveh with Istar has been]so complete that naught but the faintest tradition of an original and independent Nina has survived. The case, however, would seem to be really stronger than Prof. Jastrow makes out— and he is certainly inclined to identify the two goddesses. This is due to the fact that the ideograph often used to express the name of the goddess Istar, >-:^y, had not only the pro- nunciation of I/i/iaiia, I/iiiina, and En/ii/i, when it stood for that goddess, but also of -iA7// — the name Nina without the lengthening a. The identity may therefore be original and not the result of develop- ment. In all probability the parentage of these deities does not affect the question to any great extent. Nina is described as having been a daughter of Aa or Ea, the god of the sea — the natural parentage of the fish-goddess of Babylonia ; and Jastrow points out that, in Gudea's inscriptions, she is described as daughter of Nin-sia, a god who is elsewhere explained as ' the sh[eph]erd of the flocks.' Istar, on the other hand, is variously described as having been the daughter of Anu, the god of the heavens — probably as the brightest planet in the sky — and of Sin, the moon — possibly as the little planet which was in his likeness, suggesting (though it seems ex- ceedingly unlikely) that the Babylonians were acquainted with the phases of Venus. This side of the question, therefore, throws us back, for an explanation of the possible identity of Nina with Istar, on the likeness between Nin or Nina, one of the names of Istar, and the name of the fish goddess Nina, and on the fact that Istar became, in later times, one of the words for 'goddess' in general. As has been already remarked, the identification of all the gods with Merodach, which was current in Babylonia, probably had its counterpart in the case of their spouses, and in this way, if in no other, the identification of the two goddesses may have come about. We have therefore a choice of three explanations : Nina and Istar may originally have been one and the same, but differentiated afterwards, in which case the Assyrian Nineveh was probably founded l)y a colony from Nina in Babylonia. Nina may have received the name of Istar because the latter became the word for ' goddess ' in general, and was afterwards assimilated to some more distinctively Assyrian Istar — she of 74 Feb. 8] NINA AND NINEVEH. [1905. Arbela, for example. In this case Nineveh may also have been founded by a Babylonian colony from Nina. Nineveh may really have been a primitive Assyrian foundation, the patron-goddess of which was Istar, and a band of colonists from Nina in Babylonia may afterwards have joined them. In this case the two goddesses would have different origins, but the Assyrian city would owe its name to the great foundation where the fish- goddess was worshipped in South Babylonia. AMiichever we accept, the Assyrian Nineveh would seem to have been more or less of Babylonian origin.-" Another point of interest in these tablets recording offerings of fish will probably occur to my readers, namely, the confirmation of the statement in Herodotus that there were tribes in Babylonia who lived on nothing but fish only. It is difficult to believe that fish formed their nourishment to the exclusion of every other form of food whatever, but these tablets seem to prove that there were people, votaries and priests of Nina, the fish-goddess, who found themselves in the necessity of subsisting largely on that diet, and there is no doubt that fish formed the food, to a great extent, of the tribes of this district in general. The tablets to which I have referred speak of the fish both without any descriptive addition (implying that its natural state is intended), and also with additions indicating that it was salted, and also, apparently, dried and baked. Herodotus, it will be remembered, also gives details as to the methods employed by the Babylonian fish-eaters in preparing this, their staple food. He states that, when they have caught the fish and dried them in the sun, they throw them into brine, and then pound them with pestles and strain them through muslin. They were eaten either kneaded into a soft cake, or baked like bread. The earlier method of preparing the fish for food, it is to be noted, may have differed from that employed in the time of Herodotus. •^ It is .saicfthat the mother of Semiramis, who was named Derceto, visited by the anger of Vemis, yielded to a lover whom she saw in the temple of that goddess. Ashamed of her crime and of the consequences, she exposed her infant in a rocky desert, and after murdering her seducer, drowned herself in a lake at Askalon, in Syria. On the banks of a lake full of fish a temple was afterwards erected in her honour, and an image, half woman, half fish, represented her unfortunate mother, who had been turned, it was affirmed, into a fish. The deserted child is said to have been nourished by pigeons with milk from neighbouring cottages, and after- wards with cheese. She was then discovered by shepherds, whose chief, named Simma, adopted her as his daughter and gave her the name of Semiramis, from c word in Syriac meaning dove, henceforth adored l)y the Syrian*;. 75 Feb. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGV. [1905- There is no record of anything of this kind at Nineveh, so that it may be supposed that the priestly fish-eaters never had any footing there. Nevertheles.s — it is impossible to .speak with certainty in the absence of records— there may have been a temple to the fish- goddess Nina in that city, with a staff of priests who made offerings to the goddess after the manner of the ancient foundation in southern Babylonia, and records may ultimately be found ; but at present all that we can admit is a strong probability that this was the case. There is no indication in the inscriptions that Istar of Nineveh was in any way a fish-goddess, and it is therefore unlikely that more than the usual ofierings of fish, such as would be made to any deity, were offered to Istar in her great terriple in the later capital of Assyria. MR. HARDING SMITH'S TABLET. (See Plate.) Mr. Harding Smith having been kind enough to consent to the publication of his tablet, I give here a reproduction of the text inscribed thereon, together with an indication of its contents. The tablet measures three inches and three-tenths each way, and is well baked and very clearly written. All the columns of the obverse are sliglitly damaged, as well as the first (the right-hand) column of the reverse, but the inscription is well preserved on the whole. OnVERSE. COL. I. Usu kud kua la sus Kin kua ner la sus . . . kua ner ki-ka + 3ar kua s ner pes kua a- de 30 kud fish 5 soss (300) kin fish I ner 5 soss (900) . . . fish I ner (600) kHJ)-ka + Sar fish 3 ner (1800) peS fish water pouring forth. COL. II. as bi an mina ner lal mina .sus ka- 5ur kua ga - h\ as - an as sus suhur kua ga as - hi - am usu bara kua dar-ra their reservoirs 6, 2 ner less 2 soss (1080) kasur fish, their reservoir I. 6 soss (360) siihiir fish, their reservoir I. 30 bara fish, cook.'d (?) 76 Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., Feb., 1905. Feb. 8] NINA AND NINEVEH. [1905. Col. III. Col IV. Su§ bara 60 bara ga - bi their reservoir kua su-su fish, dried (?) ; as - an mina sus ga-3ar (?) I. usu gis-pi 30 gispi 2.soss[\zo)gaSa){^) kua dar-ra fish, cooked (?) ; 2 soss ( 1 20) i^i&pi fish, dried (?) ; kua fish; mina siis giS kua su-su P' usu ka- 1 lu-up kua J 30 kaliip fish ; ga - bi their reservoir u nu-tar kua 10 nutar fish ; ga - bi as - an uSu kubar-kubar 30 kubar-kubar I. kua dar-ra fish, cooked (?) ; 60 kiibar-kiibar lima kua nam 4 fish of fate ; sus kubar-kubar kua su-su fish dried (?) ; Revi :rse. Col. V (right-hand). usu gir-gil kua 30 giigiL fi.sh; nis ba-za kua sus sam-ga- nidaba kua 20 baza fish ; 60 Satn-ga- nidaba fish ; sus-ya ni- gi (or -zi) kua sus ki-zi kua 65 nigi (or nizi) fish; 60 kizi fish ; 360 . , . fish ; Col. VI. lima kua taga 4 fish divers (?) mina k ua su mina k ua ablal (?) as kua bar - ur- ra as kua mus sus ba 2 fish su ; 2 fish nesters (?) ; I jackal (?)- fish; I serpent-fish ; 60 presented (?). (Blank space. Column VII is blank. Col. Kua suku D.P. Innan k VIII na- am (left-hand). Fish -offerings to I star Col. VIII- uiu azaga-ku -continued. to Uru-azaga ni - gina. has brought. Uru - ka - gi - na En - gal- gala En-gal-gala Uru-ka- gina iugala nu - tur the superintendent king LagaS D.S. (of) Laga§ 77 Feb. 8] SOCIETY OF lUBLlCAL ARCII.FOLOC;V. (1905. It is impossible at present to identify all these different kinds of fish, but no doubt this will be done, at least in part, when more is known of the inhabitants of the waters of the Persian Gulf. At present the following notes may serve to give an idea of their nature : — Obverse. Col. I, division i. The hid fish (or /^r fish) is written with the usual character for "to cut," "divide," and may have been so named from its "cutting through" the water, or on account of its likeness to an instrument for cutting. Division 2. The root-meaning of khi is "to send," "seek out," "attack," and may indicate a fish of a pugnacious character. Division 3. The value of the character used for the name of the fish here is not known, but it may be a fuller form of the sign in col. II, division 4, sulmr. Division 4. The characters here are doubtful, but look like hi followed by ka with iiar, written small, above and forming part of it. At a later date the character sar was probably placed within the ka, but may have been also written after it, in which case we should have ^ ^^y-y ^ry g<, kl-ka-sa?- kua. Division 5. The character pes, late Babylonian '^^•^, means "to be multitudinous," and may refer to a species met with in large numbers. It is the sign for "fish" with the '•'■ gunu-'" wedges, and apparently has its meaning from the prolific character of fish in general. Col. II, divisions i, 3, and 5. The termination >->y-, an, is pro- bably the same as that written yj[ "^Hh' (i-nn, and is generally found after numerals. Division 4. The principal character here is equivalent to the late Babylonian ^^^^^j found in the name of the constellation of the goat-fish (^^^I^ >^jJ4^T IH )• '^"^^'^^ '" ^o'- I' <^'^'- 3' may be an augmented form of it. Hommel has already explained the hieroglyphic form of this character as the picture of a fish. Division 6, and col. Ill, division i. Bara kua possibly means "fish of the sanctuary " (*^Q^). I conjecture that darra and sii-su in these divisions and in divisions 2, 3, 5, and 6 of col. Ill, mean "cooked" and "dried" respectivel)', but these renderings are given with all reserve. 78 Feb. 8] NINA AND NINEVEH. [1905. Col. IV, division 2. The name of the fish seems to be ^^ ■^X^ ^'^'^ {^^^^^ Babylonian), ga-sar-kiia. Ga means "milk," and ^ar "to produce," "acquire," etc. Division 4. *^ ^ 'S!s\ ' ""'^'^^' ^'^'"■'^ ^^ uii-kud kiia. Perhaps "the non-cutting" fish? See the note to division i of col. I. Division 6. Besides " fate," navi also has the meaning of "swallow," those birds being used in augury. Perhaps the kua nam was a fish whose motions were noted for the same purpose. Reverse. Col. V, division i. As gir means "sword" or "dagger," the gif-gil fish may have been a 'creature provided with a means of defence capable of being so described. Perhaps a swordfish. Division 3. The sam-ga-nidaba fish is named after a plant other- wise unknown. Divisions 4 and 5. As the latter mentions the ki-zi fish, iii-zi is better than nigi in division 4. Division 6. ^z^^^ is probably the picture of the fish in- tended. Col. VI, division i. The character taga has the meanings "to strike," " turn," " overturn," hence the rendering adopted here. Possibly this fish was observed for making forecasts, as the character implies. Division 3. ]^^ ("^ with y inside) is possibly an abbreviation of TyTy^, a character meaning "bird's nest" {qlnnu sa issuri). Division 4. Ur-harra (^jy *^ ^U) stands for the Semitic aim and barbarru, regarded as the jackal. Col. VIII, division 4. »;^yy }} has been transcribed in the text Uru-azaga, i.e., as the name of a city. It may, however, be merely an appellative, meaning " the glorious (or holy) city " = Lagas. Division 8. The character Ar is merely an indication that the inscription ends here. In this, as in other inscriptions of the same class, " i " and " 60 " are distinguished by the size of the signs by which they are expressed, the latter being by far the larger of the two.^ ^ Further remarks upon these inscriptions, and the fish-names contained therein, will appear in the description of Lord x\mherst of Hackney's specimen, now in the press. 79 Feb. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1905- KKKATA. " Mummy labels in ihc Biilish Museum." Page 13, 11. 12 and 13 for einfux' fcnd (:\j^\)x^. 13, 1. 31 for ^T)jxo(nwL iraii 8r}iJ.o(Tiwi'. 17, 11. 31 and 33 for ^ read ^ . 19, 1. 24 for (pwTivus read (pu>Tivos. 19, fool nolc for TOO Ziiva. read tov Ztiva. 20, 1. S for 6 read 0. Page 14, for Nos. 78, 79, 81, 83, 87, 88, read 58, 59, 61, 63, 67, 68. ,, 20, for 85, 88. read 65, 68. The next Meeting of the Society will be held on Wedne.sday, March 8th, 1905, when the following Taper will be read : — F. Legge, Esq. : " Egyptian Magic Ivories " This Paper will be illustrated by Lantern-slides. 80 PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1905. Third Meeting, March d>th, 1905. T. CHRISTY, Esq., F.L.S., IN THE CHAIK. ■%!^ [No. cciii.] Mar. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1905. The following gift to the Library was announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donor : — From the Author, C. F. Oldham.— "The Sun and the Serpent." The following- Candidate was elected a Member of the Society : — F. C. Danson, Esq., 74, Bidstone Road, Birkenhead. The following Paper was read : — F. Legge, Esq.: "Some Egyptian Magic Ivories." This Paper was illustrated b}- Lantern-slides. The subject was discussed by Mr. Hall ; Miss Murray ; Rev. Dr. Low)' ; Mr. Rouse ; the Secretar)' ; and the Chairman. Thanks were returned for this communication. ERRATA. Mumm\-Labels in the British Museum." Page 51, 1. 3 fo'- n^.^CJOIt read n^.^a3JUL. ,, 51, 1. 4 ,, " was common for ■' ;frt(/" was common. For." ,, 55 dcklc footnote 14 and corresponding reference N'.' on line 19. 82 Mar. 8] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN THE BRITLSH MUSEUM. By H. R. Hall, M.A. {Continued from page 56.) Gr.«co-Egvptian Mummy-Labels. 16. Oblong, perforated at end. 4I" x 2". Oby. (incised over writing). Rev. (written). + €Ni.PT€JUi.€ +€N^PT€JULlC Dl +€Ni.PT€JULlTOC " Psenartemeis. Psenartemis, son of Psenarlemis." Cf. Krebs, 8 (Berlin 1 1,351). The combination of the Eg. ^ev — , lacv— (2c,'—) ( = ^^^ ' ^^^^' ^""-'^''^ e-n . . . , Ta-se{r)elyf)-Ji " the son of . . . ," " the daughter of . . . ") with the names of Greek deities, &c., was usual enough. [No. 20798.] 17. As 16. 6" X 2V'. (Modern imitation of a genuine original.)? Incised. Obv. Rev. 'T(ik\( iron ff/o ftUfUflOU CTICl' " Heras, son of Herakleides, village Registrar. Thirty years old. Farewell ! " The superfluous H/jm in 1. i is presumably a mistake of the carver. [No. 9891.] 20. As 18. 4^" X i^'' Painted red ; letters raised and gilt. 'AtcfTi mi "Zosime, farewell!" [No. 20816.] 21. Oblong, two perforations. 4^" x 2." Uncial: written AfiCCO^, Cf. Krebs, 3. [No. 24470.] 22. Oblong, one handle, perforated. 45" x 2." 131)109 f\ " Of Tabanabris." Ilird century. [C/. Qdftuvcvc, fl>(ij3(ti'iu : Spiegelberg, pp. 11*, 56*.] [No. 23218.] 23. As 23. 4" X 2". Qijffe "These," (i.e., Taisit ^ "^ jl "^ -?! [Q(t>}(Ti, Qai/aiv^ SpIEGELBERG, p. II.*] [No. 24521.] 84 Mar. 8] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. 24. As 23. 4" X 2." Late period. [No. 24484.] 25. As 23. 6" X ij". '''"'"/ [• [No. 24547.] 26. As 23. 5f" X i^". " Ot Senpnoutlie, 25 years (old). 4th Thoth." -^euTn'ovOij = ^ "^ ^ ^ D ^ J) ' Ts{r)€t)ipmite{r), "the child ot the god," a feminine form of Psenpnouthes, the later CLjenoTT-e, aJ^.^O-<^'f , i'j.:^. {Cf. Nos. 43, 90 and Krebs, 79, ■^ovdi] et de /;es ' ensevelissement," "i*^ is wrong: the meaning is "the Ethiopian," F-/^es/i, neCTuOd^e, KeKCJOOJ. [No. 9895.] '" AVt'. Art/i. N.S. xxviii (1874), p. 390. 85 Mar. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905- No. 29. Oblong, one perforation. 4" x 2". [C/.UKo,\,.JlKtf\,^, i/^/ ( J^'^ 2g^^)' Spieoelbkrg, SJL, who, however, gives no meaning. On the analogy of Z5 "-^^ % (K«\«ff//j,v), ''Young Syrian," I would myself suggest the meaning, "The Syrian ' (old form A^ ^^ i N^ j' c^'^''^' sponding to llcKfni^, "The Ethiopian.'"] [No. 24493.] 30. One perforation. 2^" x 2". "Besis (son of?) Psensenar(tem)is, (son) of . . . is." Apparently ^6»'ffM'«/>['!"c/f]:.7.\., formed from the name of the god J ' M' r^ ^'^■^> ^^'^re common. [No. 24476.] 31. As 30. 4" X 1 5". Red ink. The end of the first and the whole of the second lines illegible. [No. 24544.] 32. One handle, perforated. 6V' x 2^". Uncial. Onv. n 0-/^^/^709 ^\^ov\iov I I I I I On J^ev. a roughly incised design / . \ . " Senponkhis, daughter of Ponkhes, son of Skhoulis." Fonkhes = D "T"^> P-ankh{i), "the living one,'" Senponkhis = ^ "^ D "^^' T-s{r)et-7i- F-d!ikh{i), "the daughter of Pankhi." [No. 20812.] 86 Mar.S] greek MUM.MY-LABELS in BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. 33. One perforation. 5" x 2". Semi-cursive. The meaning of this uncommon formula is not very clear ; we must apparently, however, translate "Senponkhe, daughter of Psais, whose father was Peteuris, son of Bekhinis," c/. Krebs, 9. For the name ^«(9, cf. Krehs, 15, 20. 68, &c., Revilloui, 5 bis, 7, &:c., it was common. The demotic form was [^-m'^x. (^^I^['^]^1M^'' ^''^'"' '°'^^' '°^^'' '°^^^^' or rS,„3.d (^^iH ['^] f]!]^^' Louvre, 9513), Fa-Sai, the name of the deity Shai, originally the god of Fate or Destiny, translated WydOocai'/nici^ in an inscription of Antoninus Pius (v. Steimdorff, i.e., p. 51 ; Berg.mann, Jyuc/i vom Durch- ivandeln der Ewigkeit, 1. 73, 46 (Note 69; B.D. ch. cxxv). The word occurs often in the sense of "fate," (B.W.S., p. 1219), e.g. at Tell el-Amarna in the tomb of Merira the high priest : in the " Israel-Stele "' of Mernptah, lines 8 and 9, it occurs with an animal walking for determinative. In an inscription at Dandur, a deceased named Petisis is styled [1(1 1||||^ '^ § ^^ '^' ^-^M ^■^^^^"^^^ (B.D.G., p. 399). Brugsch, apparently thinking that 1 w 1 [1 (1 was a toneless form of (1 (cLjHpe), translated this as "le jeune de Dandour," the more pro- bable connection with r^)..<.2:,, fj££^ ['^1 oQlllllllJ))' which he had explained (B.IV., p. 1426) as a "Name oder allge- meinere Bezeichnung einer heiligen Schlangenart," having at that timeescaped his notice. Revillout attributes to J^T^J ^^. MJO Pn {U, note to 7) and to oallijllllt (Bev. Eg. VI, 2, pi. 24, in criticizing the mistranslation in B.D.G.,\). 399, which had, by the way, been implicitly corrected by Brugsch himself twelve years before '^ Steindorff gives the demotic 2^ the \ahie J^ToT ^ ; Brugsch, Revillout and Hess the value JqTjT simply : the full spelling of the word would seem to be ]M, ^ " 1)1] MH.. 87 Mar. S] bOCIETY OV lUKLICAL ARCH.KOLOGV. [1905. in Jy.JV.S., p. 1220) the meaning, "most high," "exalted,"' .S:c., and connects the word with the Coptic cytJOI. But the meaning of ncyODI is "the top,'"' and since "he who is on top" is TieTC^ncyO)! , the use of simple ITCycJOI as a personal name ( = "exalted ") would be odd. Revillout also appears to think that the original meaning of rpS)»t2?Ju was "the exalted one," not noting that it signified originally "fate," "destiny." It may be questioned wliether the word had any real signification in Crceco-Roman times, or was any- thing more than the meaningless name of the inferior deity or spirit Shai, who played a great part in magical incantations (Revillout, ./^ct'. Eg.,\, 156I; ii, 271I). In this connection the name was used to express the idea of " good spirit."' So when Antoninus Pius is called BM ^ ^ HHt ^'^' "^^ '^ ' '•'^'^" P'""'''^^'^ '^ ^^^ translated as Molixt A!'/v--(n' (the old meaning) or "Ah-poi' \i^iv--oi' (if it = nctJCUI riKHiULe), but as W-iaOo'cdiawi' AlyrTr-ou, "the Good Spirit of Egypt." So at Uandur Petisis, ^ (j f] UH ^ |^ ^ ^ •' not "the top of Dandur," hut "the Good Spirit of Dandur." It i^ in his capacity of protecting daemon that we find the serpent Shai, wearing the royal crowns and bearing the caduceus of Hermes and the thyrsus of Dionysos, represented on either side of the inner doorway of the great family catacomb at Koni esh-Shukafa, at Alexandria, which dates to the Ilnd century a.d. The name ■*«!v then = " the good spirit," and seems to have been a popular designation, to judge from the frecfuency of the oc- currence of it and of its derivatives, of which latter Stkixdgkff gives a list (/.r., p. 51); e.g., StrY^""'"v (old Coptic Tajenaj^.ic, on Berlin mummy-label, No. 10541), 2c^>c»'YrH<\- (Tseret-n-Psai, "the Daughter of Shai"), 'IVo/^ «■<->■ ("She who belongs to Shai'"), 11it< \'r(n\- ("He whom Shai has given : " Pakthev, p. 81), ^it'io^-, &:c. The bilin- gual mummy-labels of the Louvre give us the derived forms ^(/'nV/v {w"\hw<,2^, [corr. Y-'li^.K.^:.], Mil [^J "448\l' Stiisi, "Daughter of Shai"'; No. 9330) and i:(/« /'\'/«(«-- {[^)\):^xj j^hi , as above, No. 9544). Still more common are the name and its derivatives in the bilingual mummy-labels of the British Museum ; ^\'<0(s or Ihu^^hj^xt ^' Amelineau, Gcographie de fEgyple, p. 70, curiously gives the Greek form as " TpilEGELKERG prefers ^ ^^ [^p] [It] ^ ^ > the name of :i goddess of vegetation. This seems very possible.] yo Mar. S.] greek MUM.MV-LABELS IX BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. (^^I'l-i^.Tiyi- ^"■^'<'-" - <">^ ^' - "f- ■■ No. 9607), and a TuTeTi^irp,.- or [k^„%_^]h ( |^ ^ ^ ^^ll T T{e)-ie-T-Rpi, No. loiii), and from those of the B.M. another TleTer/jicpi's (No. 20797), vct another, son of llcr/iKpi^ or []i)u%__'^jj ( J^ "^V^ "^V^"^^^^ ^ ^ ^T ^''-^''-^/^'' "H^ ^^''^^ belongs to Tripe; No. 24465) and a T«T/>c(-r or ^n:)t)1^3o ( |^ ^^^ *'^^^~^^QJfT ' ^('O-^'^-^/-'^.- ^'o- 26443). Krebs gives 2«7/.?-(v (32, BerHn 11826), TaTcrpicpi'-- (27, Berlin 10561) (/! No. 39 below, and an apparently masculine Tu-eTpiquos (i, Berlin 10628). ^evaevnii-itipioi apparently means '• Son of the son of Argyrios " ; the /> is certain, so that it cannot be read ^evireuap'/ijv'io'-, and be connected with the '^ei'aiJ-/i]mv of the Berlin bilingual label No. 105-571 (Krep;s, 71), the demotic form of which is seret-n-hr-iii-t. (Hkss, Bt'itrai:^e ziii/i demotischcn Lexikon, A.Z. 1890, p. I.) [No. 24439.] 39- As 2>2>- 4" >^ i". Red ink. 'Ya-CTjiiCpi'i " Tatetriphis " : feminine form of Petetriphis, q.v. above No. 38. [No. 24473.] {To be continued.') 91 Mar. S] society OF WliLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1905. CHRONOLOGY OF ASL'RBAXIPALS REIGX. B.C. 66S-626. III. Bv THE Rev. C. H. \V. Johns, M.A, Before we can properl\- estimate the connection between the ' forecast ' tablets dated in the EponNiiiies of Asur-dur-usur, Sagabbu, and Bel-Harran-sadua, and the events of the war between Asur- banipal and his brother Samas-siim-ukin, we must have a clear idea of what those events were, and of their chronological order. Asur- banipals own accounts of the events are recorded on his Cylinders, the fullest being on the great Rassam Cylinder, published F.J?, pp. i-io. They will be found set out in most of the Histories of Assyria, those of Tiele and Rogers being specially good. But all the Cylinders group events in a way that makes it difficult to date each separately. On the other hand, we have for our special period some valuable hints from the contracts dated in Babvlon during its sietre. These are dated after the Babylonian fashion by the regnal years of Samas-sum-ukin. Hence we must first determine which year li.c. corresponds to his regnal year 19, or 20, as the case maybe. Hence, after a short sketch of the general course of events, I shall devote the rest of this article to fixing Samas-sum-ukin's own dates. How long Samas-sum-ukin was maturing his plans of rebellion does not appear, but he seems to liave drawn into the conspiracy Akkad, the Chaldaeans and Aramaeans, the Sealand, Elam and Cutium, Syria and Palestine, as well as Meluhha or Northern Arabia. He opened the war by seizing I'r and Erech, which were under Assyrian governors, and forbade Asurbanipal any longer to offer as " King of the four quarters of the world," to Samas and Nergal, in Sippara and Kutha. Asurbanipal moved slowly, evidently waiting to see how and where this lead would be followed l)efore he struck. It was clearly to be a general rebellion, and he must first see who would send an arm.y to attack him. He moved an army into Babylonia, reducing Akkad on the way. Meantime L'mmanigas, King of Elam, had sent an army to the assistance of Samas-sum-ukin. But, whether by Asurbanipal's intrigues, or by a stroke of good fortune, Tammaritu, brother of Ummanigas, and titular king of Hidalu, rebelled against 92 Mar. S] CHRONOLOGY OK ASURBAXIPAL'S REIGN. [1905. him and took the throne. Samassum-ukin made a counter move and bribed Tammaritu also to send an army to his support. Shortly afterwards Indabigas, a servant of Tammaritu, rebelled against him, and he had to flee to Asurbanipal for security. This he did by way of the south of Elam, coming into Babylonia through the Sealands, where Marduk-sar-usur the supar-sahe was in command under Bel-ibni. At the beginning of the revolt, Nabii-bel-sumate, a son of Merodach Baladan, had been vassal king of the Sealand under Asurbanipal, who, regarding him as faithful, had sent a body of Assyrian troops to strengthen him against Elam which might seek to invade the south in the interests of Samas-sum-ukin. But Nabu- l)el-sumate was a traitor, and when Asurbanipal was able to despatch an army against him, he by treachery took captive the Assyrians sent to protect him, and, retreating to Elam, carried them with him, doubtless as hostages for his own life. This was evidently just before Tammaritu fled from Elam. But then, as Asurbanipal was master of the south of Babylonia, Belibni in command in the Sea- ISnd, and Assyrian supremacy everywhere save in Babylon, which was closely blockaded, Indabigas, even if not a friend of Assyria, was not inclined to take up a losing cause. Yet when Asurbanipal demanded the surrender of Nabu-bel-sumate and the release of the Assyrian captives whom he had carried with him, Indabigas, though promising to grant the demand, could not or would not do so. When Asur- banipal was free he invaded Elam, but before his envoys could convey his ultimatum to Indabigas, the latter had been slain in a rebellion by Ummanaldasu, who took the throne. The new king could not or would not grant the demand for Nabu-bel-sumate, and the Assyrian invasion went on to the final conquest of Elam. It is after all more important to note these external events, because they do not connect themselves with dated documents, than to dwell on the progress of events in Babylonia itself. All the more so that Asurbanipal says little of how he defeated Samas-sum-ukin and his allies. He does say that in his sixth campaign he called out his army and marched against Samas-sum-ukin, shut him and his fighting men within Sippara, Babylon, Borsippa and Kutha, " captured their exits," i.e., blockaded them, and " in town and country over- threw them to any extent. The rest, pestilence, hunger and want cut off their lives." After a digression about Ummanigas, Tammaritu and Indabigas, including the arrival of Tammaritu at Nineveh, Asurbanipal returns to the siege of Babylon, which had evidently 93 Mak. 8] S0CIF:TV of biblical ARCH-EOLOGV. [1905. been going on. "As for the people of Akkad, who had sided with Samas-sum-iikin, famine seized upon them, they eat the flesh of their own children." Asurbanipal's gods, who marched before him and destroyed his enemies, " cast Samas-sum-ukin on a glowing pile of fire," whatever that may mean, and so ended his life. Then the sack of Babylon is described, which does not concern us here. But immediately after, in his seventh campaign, Asurbanipal proceeds against Ummanaldasu. It certainly looks as if Indabigas lost his throne and life before Babylon fell. We now turn to examine the dates of Samas-sum-ukin's reign, remembering that it is most important to fix the first year of his reign, so as to know what is meant by the dates of liis regnal years. The Accession of Samas-su.m-ukix. — We are nowhere explicitly told in which Eponymy Samas-sum-ukin came to the throne, nor in which Eponyjny he died. The Ptolemaic Canon, however, which dates Merodach Baladan in B.C. 721, Sargon in B.C. 709, Esarhaddon in B.C. 680, put Saosduchinos in B.C. 667 and Chineladanos in b.c. 647. Berossus gives to both "Sammuges and his brother" a reign of twenty-one years. For these dates consult the recent histories, e.<:^., Rogers' History of Babylonia arid Assyria, Vol. I, p. 334. These dates are undoubtedly based on Babylonian sources, such as the Babv Ionian Ciwonide (B), [Rogers, I, pp. 314^] and may be accepted as final ; only we need to examine them. There is no question but that Samas-sum-ukin succeeded Esarhaddon on the throne of Babylon, but there has been difference of opinion as to the extent of his rule, the nature of his independence, and the date of his accession. The last question alone concerns us here. Asurbanipal regards himself as the source of his brother's power, he claims to have set Samas-sum-ukin on the throne of Babylon. He calls him "a faithless brother, to whom I had been good, whom I had established in the kingship over Babylon," etc. (Rogers, II, p. 265.) This has been regarded with suspicion as mere boasting on his part. The appointment of Samas-sum-ukin is ascribed to Esarhaddon, and Samas-sum-ukin has even been regarded as a patriot king, seeking to free Babylon from an oppressive tyrant. But such contentions are quite beside the mark. If Esarhaddon had set his son on the throne of Babylon, Samas-sum-ukin must have reigned both in b.c. 669 and b.c. 648, and would thus have reigned twenty-two years. If Esarhaddon did not set him on the 94 Mar. 8] CHRONOLOGY OF ASURBANIPAL'S REIGN. [1905. throne, no one but Asurbanipal could do it. There was no organized native power to elect him. Marduk, the god of Babylon, in whose presence alone could a king become legitimate ruler of Babylon, was captive in Assyria. There is no doubt that Esarhaddon died on the loth of Arahsamna, B.C. 669, and that Asurbanipal succeeded him at once as king of Assyria. The first complete year of Asurbanipal was B.C. 668, coinciding with the Eponymy of Marlarim. But there is good reason to suppose that Samas-sum-ukiii did not enter upon his reign in Babylon so soon. The Ptolemaic Canon makes his first year to be B.C. 667. This alone, in face of the proved accuracy of that document for the preceding reigns, would be decisive. But we have corroborative evidence. When, on the death of Esarhaddon, his mother Zakutu, with her grandsons, Asurbanipal, Samas-sum-ukin, Samas-mitu-uballit, and the nobles of Assyria, issued a proclamation to the people of Assyria, declaring Asurbanipal to be their rightful king, it is clear that Samas-sum-ukin supported his brother's claim to the throne of Assyria. But there is no hint to show that he was already king of Babylon. For the text of this proclamation see 83-1-18, 45 : Professor Bezold's great Catalogue, p. 1858. Further, we have distinct evidence that Samas-sum-ukin was not in power as king in Babylon even after Asurbanipal had come to the throne in Assyria. In Dr. J. A. Knudtzon's Gehete an den Sonmfigotf, No. 149, dated on the 23rd of Nisanu, in the Eponymy of Marlarim, Asurbanipal, already king of Assyria, sends to inquire at the oracle of the Sungod whether Samas-sum-ukin, son of Esarhaddon, shall " take the hands of Bel," i.e., become legitimate monarch of Babylon, " this year ; " and whether he shall enter the city of Babylon. The place where he was to take the hands of Bel was clearly in the city of Assur. It is evident that Bel-IMarduk had not yet returned to Babylon, but was still in Assur, whither Sennacherib had carried him captive in B.C. 687. Now, whether the answer to this inquiry was favourable or not, Samas-sum-ukin could not count the Eponymy of Marlarim as his first year. Hence even if he had been permitted to take the hands of Bel while still in Assur^ his first year was B.C. 667, while Asurbanipal's first year was B.C. 668. Samas-sum-ukin may well have proceeded to Babylon in b.c. 668, or even late in B.C. 669, and there taken up the reins of power, but till he had " taken the hands of Bel " he could not be acknowledged 95 Mar. 8] SOCIETY OF l^IBLICAL ARCII.EOLOdV. [1905. king. Was it possible to go to Assur, and there take the hands of Bel ? Apparently not. ^\'hile Bel was in Assur, for eight years, the Babylonian Chronidc reckons Babylon "kingless." Esarhaddon himself was only Sakkanakkii. The Babylonian Clironicle sa)'s nothing of his being " king of Babylon,"' only it acknowledges his sovereignty by counting the years of his rule in Assyria. The Babylonian Kings' List A, which gives the first eight years of Bel's captivity to Sennacherib, acknowledges Esarhaddon as king. But this was evidently not the prevailing view. In order to remove all doubt on the point, we may now give due weight to the data of the Babylonian Chronicle. After recording the death of Esarhaddon on the loth of Arahsamna, it states that " Samas-sum-ukin, in Babylon, Asurbanipal in Assyria, two sons of Esarhaddon, sat upon the throne." But it does not state the day of accession of either. It goes on to state that "in Samas-sum-ukin's accession year, saitn res, Bel and the gods of Akkad set out from Assur, and on the 23rd of Aaru entered Babylon.'' Now a great deal is involved in these data. If Samas-sum-ukin had become king in Babylon directly on his father's death, his accession year could not possibly have had an Aaru. Hence Samas-sum-ukin was not king in the Eponymy in which Esarhaddon died. In the following Eponymy, in Aaru, he was still in his "accession year." Hence in whatever Eponymy Esarhaddon died, the next Eponymy was only an "accession year" in Babylon, and the following Eponymy was Samas-sum-ukin's " first "year in Babylon. According to the Ptolemaic Canon this was B.C. 667. Hence Esarhaddon died in v,.c. 669. We know from Assyrian sources that Samas-sum-ukin was not yet king in the Eponymy of Marlarim. Hence we have independent witness to the date of Marlarim ; or from his date we can date both the death of Esarhaddon and the accession of Samas-sum-ukin. We may conclude with tolerable certainty that Samas-sum-ukin brought back " Bel and the gods of Akkad " with him ; and, after their installation, duly took the hands of Bel, and so became legitimate monarch. There can be no doubt, any way, that B.C. 667, the Eponymy of Gabbaru in Assyria, was his first year. On this reckoning ji.c. 648 was his twentieth year as king of Babylon. Now the Ptolemaic Canon assigns b.c. 647 to Chineladanos, his successor. Samas-sum-ukin died, therefore, before the Eponymy of B.C. 648 was ended ; at latest, before Nisanu in b.c. 647. 96 Mar. S] chronology OF ASURBANIPAL'S REIGN. [1905. That Berossus and his sources gave Samas-sum-ukin a reign of 21 years is most easily accounted for by reckoning from the death of Esarhaddon. Even the Babylonian C/ironicle favours the view that Samas-sum-ukin was king from his father's death onwards. It thus gets over the difficulty of his illegitimate rule, in the absence of Bel, by making his " accession year " at least eighteen months long. Unfortunately the Babylonian Chronicle does not go beyond the " accession " year of Samas-sum-ukin. The Date of S.\mas-sum-uktn's Death. — From Cuneiform sources we cannot yet produce an exact statement of the year, either regnal or Eponymic, still less of the month and day, on which Samas-sum-ukin died. But we can already fix limits. The Ptolemaic Canon forbids us to place it as late as the first of Nisanu ij.c. 647, for that was already in the reign of Chineladanos. How long that king's accession year extended we have not yet inquired. The earliest possible date we could assign to Group III is obtained by putting it b.c. 658 to B.C. 649, for Group I occupies B.C. 666 to B.C. 659. Now Professor C. P. Tiele, in \\\% Babylonisch- Assyj'ische-Geschichte, p. 389, has already argued that BelSunu was the Eponym of B.C. 648. For Asurbanipal's Cylinder B, K. 2732, as published in III R. 34, contains no record of the fall of Babylon, nor of the death of Samas-sum-ukin. It does record the commence- ment of the war between the brothers and some events which we know to have occurred after the siege began. This Cylinder is dated in the month of Abu. If we placed Belsunu as late as B.C. 647, as Samas-sum-ukin according to the Ptolemaic Canon did not survive the commencement of this Eponymy, he was already dead, four or five months, when this Cylinder B was written. That is practically inconceivable, if the Cylinder really makes no mention of such a noteworthy occurrence. It is very strange that G. Smith, who assigns Belsunu to a date as late as b.c. 646, of course with some reserve, should have over- looked so weighty a consideration. But unfortunately the text given in III R. is restored from duplicates of Cylinder B. Only the first thirty-two lines and the last ten lines are really on Cylinder B. Who shall say what the intermediate lines contained? That the frag- ments K. 1729, K. 1741, and K. 1794 are duplicates to some extent seems likely, but they may have been dated somewhat earlier. One at least of them, K. 1729, is dated in the month Du'uzu. Even if 97 H Mar. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1905. this was in the Eponyniy of Belsunu, there is no certainty, from the fact that, so far as preserved, it is a duplicate of K. 2732, that it was a duplicate all through. Hence until Cylinder B, at any rate in its last column, is com- pletely restored, we shall not know that it made no mention of the death of Samas-sum-ukin. If we are allowed to assume, however, that Cylinder B, and the duplicates used to restore the last column, were identical in contents with that last column, we cannot be sure that Samas-sum-ukin survived Abu in this Eponymy. It is at least some confirmation of this assumption that we can place Belsunu in B.C. 648, but not earlier. We may finally have to place him later. On the assumption that he is to be placed in B.C. 648 we must suppose that, at any rate in Assyria, the death of Samas-sum-ukin was not known before Abu of that year. It there- fore may have occurred anywhere after that date before Nisanu of the next year. But these assumptions are not yet proved. I have before stated that, for these reasons, I consider that Tiele was not fully justified in placing Belsunu in B.C. 648, and Dr. Peiser, who does the same, advances no fresh reason. We must seek other reasons. We can now approach the problem from other sides, from per- fectly independent sources, both Babylonian and Assyrian. We possess a number of commercial documents dated by the regnal years of Samas-sum-ukin. Such are known to exist dated in the 9th, nth, i2th, 14th, 15th, i6th, i8th, 19th, and (I think) 20th years of his reign. Some of these are clearly drawn up during the siege of Babylon. A tablet, dated in the 18th year of Samas-sum-ukin, on the 13th of Arahsamna, in the possession of Miss Emily Ripley, was pub- lished by Dr. E. A. W. Budge in P.S.B.A., January, 1888, p. 146, plates IV-VI. Here we have a note at the end of the tablet, ina ujnesuma suiiku u da/niatum ina mdti issaki/iina iimmii ana marti iilipatti baba, " in those days want and misery was laid upon the land, and a mother would not open the door to a daughter." The latter phrase is proverbial, to indicate the severity of the distress, which made even women insensible to the claims of natural affection. Another tablet, 83-1-18, 2597, dated the 24th of Du'uzu, in the 19th year of Samas-sum-ukin, has the note, siinku u dannatum ina mati issakin, evidently a regular expression as before for great distress. A third tablet, 81-11-3, 71, dated the 9th of Tebetu, in the 19th year of Samas-sum-ukin, is published by Dr. T. G. Pinches in the 98 Mar. S] chronology OF ASURH.\NirAL'S REIGN. [1905. Proceedings of the Victoria Institute, 1S92. There we find a loan of money, on the condition that it shall be returned without interest on the day when the face of the country shall be opened, iiia ume pani mdti ittaptu. The same misery endures. We read again, ina {ifnesu ina ali Lami{imi ?) sunku 11 dannatu inn niati (^issakinma). Whether these restorations (in brackets) be correct or not, the sense is clearly the same. Then we read, /lisi' ina Id nialialc imnitn, " the people died from want of food," a perfectly original form of expression. The last tablet which we shall quote is Rm. IV, 93. It was published by Strassmaier in the Actes du Congres de Stockholm, p. 281 and plate 8, No. 6. Here we have the note, ina ihncsuma aniclu naiiiru eli ali nadima sunku ina mdti issakinma mahiru 3 KA SE- BAR ana i sikil kaspi ina husj-i ismmu. We may render, "in those days the enemy were encamped against the city, want was laid upon the land, the price of three KA of corn was named as one shekel of silver, through scarcity." As the regular price of corn was a GUK or 180 KA, for a shekel, this price was sixtyfold the normal rate. The date of the tablet is unfortunately broken. Strassmaier gave what looks like the " tenth " year, but there is a suggestion of another slant wedge. There could have been no reason for such extremity of famine in e.g. 658. While the other tablets mark great distress, they use more or less conventional phrases. This is evidently at the last extremity, no siege could last much longer. I think there can be no reasonable doubt that this was dated in the 20th year of Samas-sum-ukin. The month and day, the 29th of Aaru, are certain. Now assuming that Samas-sum-ukin's reign was reckoned from ]!.c. 667 as his "first year," we have clear evidence that from Arah- sanma b.c. 650, to Tebetu i;.c. 649, and probably up to the end of Aaru B.C. 648, the city of Babylon was straitly shut up and besieged. Cylinder B was written only two months later. Whether Babylon held out all that time we do not know. The cylinder might have been too nearly completed when the news came to Assyria for the scribe to stay his hand. It may even be the case that the arrival of the news caused the cylinder to be discarded, and so not buried in a foundation niche, but stored in the Library. However that may have been, we have a view of the state of affairs in Babylon that fits well with our previous results. These four tablets were drawn up by different scribes, for different 99 H 2 Mar. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILIiOLOGV. [1905. parlies, evidently better class citizens, and in the city of Babylon itself. We have, as yet, no tablets from this period dated in Babylon which do not contain a note of the misery and want. The phrases remind one of Asurbanipal's own words in Cylinder Rm., dated after the death of Samas-sum-ukin and the capture of Babylon. AVe have now determined independently of the l^tolemaic Canon, from Cuneiform sources, the years and probable duration of the siege. It may have begun earlier, for the distress was already great in i;.c. 650, and it may have lasted after Aaru V,.c. 64S, but certainly not long. That the Ptolemaic Canon allows us some ten months longer is true, but it only demands that Samas-sum-ukin was alive after Nisanu r..c. 648, and dead before the next Nisanu. THE TEMPLE AT ERMENT AS IT WAS IN 1850. By Percy E. Ne\vi!krrv. In Lady Amherst's Sketcli of Egyptian History^ facing p. 216, is given a drawing from a photograph taken in 1861 by Mr. C. G. Fountaine, of the Ptolemaic temple at Erment, which is now almost entirely destrcjyed. Through the kindness of the INIarquis of Northami)ton, I am able to give here a reproduction of a sepia sketch of the same temple drawn by the second Marquis on a voyage up the Nile in 1850 (see Plate). A note in his diary dated February 7, 1850, runs as follows: — "\'isited the ruins of Hermonthis . . . They consist of two small chambers, portions of walls, and several columns belonging to the portico. These stand freely in the open air, are seen to their bases, or nearly so, and are very picturesque." A photographic view of the same temple is given in F. Frith's Lowe)- -Egypt and Thebes, published by ^\^ Mackenzie, of Paternoster Row, London, 18 . . . (?). [These views of temples and other Egyptian monuments which have now altogether disappeared, are of considerable interest. I shall be glad to give reproductions of similar, accurate, drawings or photographs taken during the past forty or fift)- years, that may be entrusted to me. — ^V. L. Nash, Secrefafy.] Proceedings. Sac: Bill: Arch:, March, 1905. 00 e k: '§ W >1 U- ^ o u ^ ^ ^ w s > H Mar. S] EXTR.VCTS FROM MV NOTEBOOKS. [1905. EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS. VIII. By Percy E. Newberry. 58. The Vezir Khay. — -In a previous note lyProceedi}h^s^ Vol. XXII, p. 62) I called attention to some monuments naming S w Khay, Vezir of Rameses II. In Lord Amherst's cc^l- lection is a limestone slab from Khay's tomb, which has hitherto remained unpublished. It shows the Vezir " burning incense before the ka of Amenhetep I " (the patron god of the Theban necropohs), and records several of his titles. Above the scene the inscription reads : — ■ S -•^ o u 1 €'0 fA 000 U I I I I \ D I The title I I 'W fm is important as showing that he was Vezir of Memphis as well as of Thebes, of Upper as well as of Lower, Egypt. The slab was bought by Lord Amherst at Luxor in 1895. 59. The Queen of Sebekhetep III. — In the XXVth volume of these Proceedings (p. 358) I published the inscription on a frag- ment of an ebony box in the Cairo Museum which names the queen of Kha-nefer-Ra (Sebekhetep III). Another relic naming the same queen is preserved in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. This is lOI Mar. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.KOLOGV. [1905- a small fragment of a blue glazed faience vase, with the following inscription written upon it in brown glaze : — W: " [The Princess] Nebt-ant . . . born of the Royal wife, Za-en, possess- ing the quality of worth.'' 60. Pyramidiox of an Official of Queex Sensexb. — In the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford is a limestone pyramidion, om. 35 high by om. 3 wide at the base, naming the X 1 kher-heb, " lector."' of the 1 "^N^ ( | L/ 1 "J" j , " Royal Mother Sen- senb." (I ^. '"Teta." The inscriptions upon it read : — mj s iji'^-^tdi 4) M OA, ,^ u a o 0 ^ D I J^ '^^^^ ^ Sensenb is, of course, the well-known mother of Thothmes I : the pyramidion conseciuently dates from the first quarter of the XVIIIth Dynasty. 61. Hieratic Inscriptions in the Pyramid at Medum. — • When visiting Medum in 1891, I found on the roof near the entrance of the long corridor leading to the sarcophagus chamber of Seneferu's pyramid three small hieratic inscriptions, written in 102 Mar. 8] EXTRACTS FROM MV NOTEBOOKS. [1905. black ink. These (see Plate, figs, i, 2, 3) give the names of two scribes (Sekert and Amen-mes), and are interesting as showing that an ofiicial inspection was made of the pyramid some time during the XXth Dynasty, the hieratic writing being certainly of that date. 62. A />osf~XllTH Dynasty King Mentuhetep. — M. Legrain ^ discovered at Karnak last season a small statuette of a king seated upon a throne, which bears on its sides the following inscriptions : J Y 0^ [I (1 . This statuette M. Legrain is inclined to place in the Xlth Dynasty. The prenomen, however, should be compared with those of f© ^ jl Mer-nefer-Ra, T© ^ S^ 1 Mer-hetep-Ra, r© J-^1 Nefer-ankh-Ra, and fo f f "fl Dedui-ankh-Ra, which kings form a well-defined group that seems to belong to the period immediately following the Sebek-hetep group. The expression "Beloved of Sebek, Lord of Sunu," is also important with regard to date, for mention of this religious locality does not, I believe, occur before the second half of the Xllth Dynasty. The name Mentu- hetep does not necessarily imply the Xlth Dynasty, for recorded on a fragment of a cofiin in the British Museum 2 is a king Mentuhetep — who is undoubtedly J>osf- rather than //r-XIIth Dynasty in date, and may, indeed, be the same king as is repre- sented on M. Legrain's Karnak statuette. 63. Some Small Inscribed Objects : — (a) The Yezir User-mentu. Fragment of a statuette in black granite inscribed down the front of the legs ; 10 n J] "^^ ][ " The deceased, the sa/?, judge, an A'eklieu, priest of Maat, superin- tendent of the Six Great Houses, the Vezir, User-mentu justified, born of Neb-mehy." XIIIth-X^TIth Dynasty. [Luxor Dealer.] ^ RccKcil dc Travaiix, Vol. XXVI, p. 221. - S.B.A. Five., 1S91, p. 41. 103 Mar. S] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. {b) Amenemhat surnamed Sururi. Fragment of a light blue glazed faience vase, with hieroglyphs in dark blue inlay glaze : [In the possession of the Baroness Fejervary.] The tomb oi Amenemhat surnamed Sururi is in the Hehvet el Howa at Thebes, and several statuettes of him are preserved in the Louvre, British, and other, Museums. His date is of the time of Amenhetep III. (t-) A Queen named Mer\ -neb-es. PVagment of a basalt block inscribed: S8S ? ^^ f"^^ I) ^ V^T ^^^^'^^ ^^*^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ cutting and hieroglyphs this queen is probably XXVIth Dynasty in date. [Nahmans, Cairo.] {d) Amethyst bead inscribed with the prenomen of — " The good god Sekhem-se-uaz-taui-Ra, beloved of Hathor, Mistress of ... . ri." [MacGregor Collection.] {e) Amethyst lion couchant inscribed with the prenomen of Usertsen I : — [MacGregor Collection.] (/) Red jasper plaque of Nefer-ankh-Ra (see Plate, figs. 4, 5). Xlllth-XVIIth Dynasty. [MacGregor Collection.] {s;) A small Ijlack steatite object inscribed with the nomen of Pepy (Plate, fig. 6). [Athens Museum.] ( // ) A small black steatite object inscribed with the prenomen of Mer-en-Ra (Plate, fig. 7). Said to have come from Sakkara. Purchased last year in Cairo. [Capt. Timmins' Collection.] (/) Cylindrical steatite bead, green glazed (turned brown), bearing the prenomen of Amenemhat III and inscribed — 'nm'^i '-V n I VA /I II " - II Tf ^ ^ , [Delhaes Collection, Buda Pesth.] 104 Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arc/i., March, 1905. 'Iw^MT Scribe AME^-^rEs." '4\ Scribe Sekerti. I^^Wx^siiLi^ Scribe Amen-mes." [4' ]\I AK. 8] EXTRACTS FROM MV NOTEBOOKS. (/) Steatite cylinder-seal of Amenemhat III — • [1905- O m\ \ [Vienna Museum.] (/(■) Blue-green steatite cylinder-seal inscribed with a new " (lolden Horus " title : _^ a 8 . The date (jf this cylinder- seal is about the end of the Middle Kingdom. [Timmins Collection.] (/) Black steatite cylinder-seal of Nefer-ar-ka-Ra : — O 11 mil u Another cylinder-seal of Nefer-ar- ka-Ra is in the Ward Collection. [Timmins Collection.] (/;/) Blue glazed steatite cylinder-seal of a princess of Amenem- hat II : — O u Q I [Timmins Collection.] [fi) Shawabti figure (limestone) of the | y |[ '^'•^■^^ 11 ~ "^ c:> n I t ¥\ ^W , " High Priest of Amen in UJ] I I'll _^2l " Sma-behtet (Pachnamunis in the 1 )elta), Chief of the engravers, Ya." Middle XVIIIth Dynasty. [In the Collection of Mr. F. Danson of Birkenhead.] ((?) Small limestone altar of the \ \ f===| '■^ nartu of the Ruler's table, Sebek-em-heb." Xlllth Dynasty. [In the Collection of Mr. F. Danson of Birkenhead.] (/) Fragment of a diorite vase inscribed with the name of Merbapen : ^VKjk. I y^-. \ . From the Amelineau excavations at Abydos. [In the Collection of Mr. Y. Danson of Birkenhead.] 105 Mar. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV. [1905. THE KING SAMOU OR SESHEMOU n^j?^^ ¥] AND THE ENCLOSURES OF EL-KAB. Bv G. Legraix. In the winter of 1854-55, the Rev. H. Stocart brought from Egypt a collection of antiquities, the greater part of which is now in the Museum at Liverpool. These monuments were published in 1855,^ and many of them illustrated. One of the drawings (see Plate) represents a stele, which is thus described: "Stone tablet found at El Qab bearing the date of the 44th year of Amenemha HI (Xllth dynasty) and the 'Standard' name of Sesurtasen HI." Prof. Pierret also (^Vocahulairc, p. 489) mentions — 1 ^'^^ ^^ I devise d'enseigne d'Usertesen II, enferme'e dans un cartouche (Stele Stobart).'' Prof. Dr. A. Wiedemann {^-Egyptische Geschichte, ]). 255) thus refers to this stele : " eine Stele aus El-Kab, welche den Befehl zur anlage einer Maner in dieser Stadt enthiilt." But he gives no reference or indication. Prof. Dr. Petrie writes in his Nisforv of Egypt, vol. I, p. 193, " on the opposite bank, at El-Kab, was a stele in the forty-fourth year, concerning the building of a wall (Wiedemann, Geschichte, P- 255)-" The peculiarity of a " Standard " name being enclosed in a cartouche, long since attracted my attention, and made me think that a revision or correction, of the text was necessary.- ' " Egyptian Antiquities collected on a voyage made in Upper Egypt in the years 1854, 1855, ^"cl published by the Rev. H. Stobart, M.A., Queen's College, Oxford. Berlin 1855, Varscli and Happe lithogr. fac. sim. under the direction of Dr. H. Brugsch." - I asked Mr. Nash to ascertain where this stele now is, but neither he nor l\Ir. Newberry has been able to find it in the Liverpool Museum, nor does the museum catalogue mention it. [I am informed that many of the stone objects in the Slol)art collection are 106 Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., JManh, 1905, THE "STOHART" STELE. Proiii " Egyptian Antiquities collected by the Kev. H. Stohart.' Mar. 8] THE KING SAMOU OR SESIIHMOU. [1905- The stele has the top edge rounded, and the Solar disc ex- tends its wings within the arch. Below, on the left, can be read the Horus-name Aa-Bioii, and the Throne-name Afaifni?-'/, of Amenemhait III — • D 0 who, on the right, is described as — "beloved of Nekhabit, mistress of Heaven, giving life." Below these inscriptions come several lines of text, three of which only are legible : ^ n n 1 1 Q o n n 1 1 and why, moreover, should this Horus-name — the name of ^^ the Double, of the Ka — be enclosed in a cartouche? As a matter of caligraphy the v\ is not in the proper place if it belongs to the word ' ^^^^ y)> • (irammatically it is useless and faulty after " " , a group that does not re- quire the termination v\ o the plural. Lastly, the two lines ' are nc^t ^_;— ,' . These observations lead me to think that the two lines HZI are the fragments of a sign / , and that the cartouclie of the Stobart in order to indicate stele ought to be read n"!? The root sufficiently common in Egyptian ((/. Brugsch, H'orierbuch, p. 1222 and ff.) to make this correction admissible. Can we have here ii>itou, ramparts or enclosure-walls, the construction of which is mentioned, are built by order of Amenemhait III, they did not exist before his time. Mr. Somers Clarke has very kindly sent me a plan of El-Kab, which may enable us to identify the walls built by King Samou. From what Mr. Clarke tells me, it appears that the original town, seated on the river bank, was surrounded by a double enclosure-wall. The enclosure, if we may judge from what remains of it, was of an elliptical or ovoid form. Pottery and monuments, going back to the archaic period and to the commencement of Egyptian civilization, have been found there. It seems to me that the double enclosure-wall which surrounded the ancient town must be of the date of King Samou, and I do not think I err in ])lacing this sovereign as I have done. The great enclosure-wall built over the ancient town and over its double enclosure-wall covered a jjart of the Ancient-Empire cemetery, the tombs of which were discovered in 1896-97, it is therefore of later date. Perhaps some parts are more ancient than others, to judge by the differences in method of construction,*" but I am very much of the same opinion as M. Maspero, who in 1899" said that " Maspero, Hist. Aiic, I, p. 450, no/e. ' I/)id. , p. 479, «(7/t' 8. Mar. 8] THE KIXC SAMOU OR SESHEMOU. [1905. the wall of El-Kab "est au plus tard de la XIP dynastic." The .Stobart stele .seems to prove that it ought to be attributed to Amenemhait III. Ought we to attribute also to Amenemhait III the enclosure-wall of the temple ? Does our monument refer to this wall only, or to both of them ? At present I cannot offer a definite opinion. It is for those who have made a special study of El-Kab, to elucidate the matter and to correct me if I am in error. THE ASSYRIAN GOD AU. By Professor A. H. Sayce, D.D., etc. In the Rev. C. H. W. Johns's Assyrian Deeds and Documents we find a series of proper names in which the Sun-goddess A is identified with different deities. Thus we have (an) Au-(an) A (in No. 69) "Au is A"; (an) Samsn-(AN) A (No. 155), "the Sun-god is A"; (an) Adad-(AN) A (No. 121), "Hadad is A"; (an) Serum-(AN) A (No. 83), "the Dawn-god is A"; (an) Babu-(AN) A (No. 150), " the goddess Babu is A " ; (an) Nusku-(AN) A (No. 24), " Nusku is A"; (an) In-aristi-(AN) A (No. 281), " In-aristi is A"; (an) Assur-(AN) A (No. 276, "Assur is A " ; Khaldi-(AN) A (No. 241), " Khaldis is A " ; Yumu-sibutu-(AN) A (No. 360), " the seventh day is A." We know that both Nusku and In-aristi (formerly read Ninip), the angels of Merodach and Bel of Nippur, were forms of the Sun-god, and that Assur was conceived of in the same way is shown by his symbol, the winged solar disk. It is interesting to learn that Khaldis, the supreme god of Ararat, was also solar, and that the " seventh day " or Sabbath, which being a holy day was divine, could be identified with the Sun-god. Hadad was the Sun-god of Syria, and it was not difficult to identify the " Dawn " with the rising sun. As Au is A, Au too must be solar, and it seems natural to suppose that the name is merely the Semitic form of the Sumerian A. But against this supposition the following facts have to be set : (i) A Syrian proper name in one of Mr. Johns's documents (No. 22) is Au-bahdi, which is obviously identical with Yau-bihdi, the name III .Mar. S] society OF BIBLICAL AKCH.EOLOGV. [1905. of a king of Hamath, which is also given as Ilu-bihdi by Sargon. (2) The Semitic Bab}lonian pronunciation of the name of the god Ea was Aos, that is Au, according to Damascius, and the spelling A-e instead of E-a is actually found in the cuneiform texts, as for example in the proi)er name (ax) A-e-epus (R. 72, 5). On the other hand, Merodach the son of Ea is called in the cylinder- inscription of Antiochus Soter (S0-6-17, 20, 36) "the offsprmg of the god Abil-Aua," that i?, "the son of Aua,'' where Ea is himself the son of Aua, who is probably identified by the scribe with the (ireek Eos. The equivalence of the two forms Au and Yau makes it plain that the Assyrian writer believed them to represent the same name. Vau is the Hebrew Yeho (Yahveh), and its antiquity is evidenced not only by the West Semitic name Yaum-ilu, "Yeho is god," which occurs in Babylonian documents of the Khammu-rabi period (as was first pointed out by me in the Expository Times, ix, p. 522), but also by the lexical tablets, which make Yau one of the equivalents of the ideograph il "god" {^i, 1-18, 1332 Obv. II, i). Indeed, the Babylonian Htterati were sufficiently familiar with the divine name to seek an explanation of it in the Assyrian j-a//, "myself." The conclusion to which all this would lead us is : (i) that Au is the Semitic Babylonian form of the Sumerian A ; (2) that the scribes identified it with the West Semitic Yau, and accordingly wrote Au-bahdi instead of Yau-bihdi ; (3) that they regarded Yau as a Sun-god like Hadad ; and (4) that in the Greek period Au became confounded with Ea, partly because Ea v,-as called the son of Aua, and partly because his name could be written, with the characters comprising it inverted. A-e instead of E-a. It is thus probable that the Edomite king whose name is written A-rammu by the scribes of Sennacherib was really Jehoram, Yau becoming first Au, and then A. The next jNIeeting of the Society will be held on \Yednesday, Ma\- lOth, 1905, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will be read : — H. R. Hall, Esq., M.A. : "The Eleventh Dynasty Temple at Der el Bahari," with Lantern-slide Illustrations. PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1905. Fourth Meeting, May loth, 1905, F. LEGGE, Esq., IN THE CHAIK. •e;^- [No. cciv.j May io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-liOLOGY. [1905. The following gifts to the Library were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — From F. Legge, Esq. — "Aper(;u de I'histoire d'Egypte," by Marietta Bey. 1872. „ „ " Itin^raire de la Haute Egypte," by Marietta Bey. 1872. From the Author, Dr. Belldli. — " Un monument douteux." „ ,, Dr. O. von Lemm. — " Kleine Koptische Studien," XXVI-XLV. „ „ Prof. E. Naville. — "Etudes Grammaticales." THE LIBRARY. BOOK-BINDING FUND. The following donations have been received : — May, 1905 :— W. H. Rylands, Esq. {Third Donation) ... ^2 2 o W. L. Nash, Esq. {Second Dotiatioti) ... £^2 2 o The Rev. Dr. McFarland, 150, Fifth Avenue, New York, Edgar Harrison, Esq., 1 2, Leopold Place, Ealing, were elected Members of the Society. The following Paper was read : — H. R. Hall, Esq., M.A. : "The Eleventh Dynasty Temple at Der el Bahari." ( T/iis Paper zuas illustrated by Lantern-slides.) The subject was discussed by Mr. Ayrton, Mr. Pollard_, the Secretar}', and the Chairman. Thanks were returned for this communication. 114 May 10] GREEK MUMMV-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905 GREEK MUMMV-LABELS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. By H. R. Hall, M.A. {Co7itinued from page 91) Gr.eco-Egyptlvx Mummy-Labels. 4c. As 33. 5" X 2". n«7(7r6X('\?/?/»> J^^ y\ _£5C. "vN _£^ V> S) ) on I'.rit. Mus. bilingual labels, as l.il _2i^^ on a Ttolemaic mummy-covering from Panopolis. (Brit. Mus. No. 17177), «!^:c. 'rhe fact that the word on these labels is spelt with initial a is a strong objection to this identification, but on one bilingual (So. 24452) the second a at least was often changed to (1(1, and that the first was not emphasized is shown by the (ireek form llcX — of the Egyptian .... Adopting the doubtful possibility that = nXlXoT = "the boy,'' what god is it wha could have been addressed by this name? Harpokrates, //f;7/-/rt'- klu-aij, " Horus the Child," seems to be the deity in question, and this supposition is confirmed by the B.M. bilingual No. 26437, which commemorates o (tpt(j-)i/ 7r/>o0//TOf 11' Tor Q/>oi> B' ]Ic\<\fov, " PetOS of beSt memory, son of Horos, son of Petempetos, prophet of Horus Pelilis,""- I.e., of Horus the Boy = Harpokrates. [No. 24494.} [Spiegelberg suggests Tl-^XiXl "the Shrewmouse," fwr-fuXii. The shrewmouse was, however, sacred to Hathor, and it would be impossible to speak of Horus as " 'J'he Shrewmouse," ttcXiXiv^ except on the hypothesis of a GrKCo Egyptian identification with Apollo Smintheus, which is however quite possible.] " I cannot explain the curious iigns n' (?) and B'. The translation givea seems to me the only one possible. 116 May 10] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS L\ BRITISH MUSEUM. [1505. 41. As T,^. &;/i'-\vood. 4\" X i|". Semi-cursive. From Akhmim. Obv. '^ci'-(i7re\(i\i9 veiv Rev. same, but i. ^'evTc-cXiiXdv. 3. ^t i>rn~i\(i\ioo(jii}-r'i is evidently a translation of the original Egyptian name, perhaps of ^^ ] y Mt^ Hcn-netar. '^fviravivove = c^ ^^, 2i) "^ //^ ^^ "%< I llr^'' ^"■"*^'''^'('') ''-^'■-'''^"■'"''''''"^ "The Daughter of him who belongs to the Gods."' [No. 23182.] 44- As II. 4" X i^' I " Paloni son of Antin[oos].'' [No. 24550.] 2 • Wu\wi'i inu<: Ai'Tfj'oy 45- As ^^. 4" X I J" rTflcVa'f v'l'ov AfTd'o? " Pasion son of Antinoos." May io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1905. Nos. 44 and 45 were apparently attached to the mummies of two sons of Antinoos. The writing would date the labels to the begin- ning of the third century a.d., but they are probably earlier, since the name Antinoos would have been given to children born about or shortly after the time of the death of Hadrian's favourite in Egypt, i.e. about 132 a.d., which will therefore be the iermiuus post quern for the birth of the father of the dead Paloni and Pasion. [No. 24510.] 46. As II. 4" X 4". T«»'Oi'— TaF/«v "Tanoup (daughter) of Taeia." Tai'ovJT (" She who belongs to Anubis ") was a common name. The writing of this label is the same as that of the two preceding. [No. 24462.] 47- As 33. 4" X 2". tnov Ta~i—c "Tabes, son of Tatipe." Masculine names beginning with T« — are uncommon (c/. TareTpi(/)iov, Krebs, I ; Berlin, 10628). Tuti-c may be explained as either = l| ^ ^^v ^ J\ (Tar-c) " She of Heaven," or as a con- traction for T(nf)i7re{v. No. 38). In B.M. No. 245 11 (No. 48, below) we have 'VutIttc : the long mark over the i is more probably a sign of contraction than a substitute for the direresis ; also in B.M. Nos. 24539 we have TuTcnrc, which could not represent ■^■' so that on the whole it would seem that ] TttTtTre is more probably a contraction of 'YuTpnrc. For a similar contraction cf. Krebs, 5 (Berlin, 11843). [Or cf. the Uu-i-i^^ TuTiTri^, of Spiegelberg, which = Pa-te-p-hib, Ta-tc-p-hih^ " He {resp. she) whom the Ibis has given."] Krebs, 47 (Berlin, 10547), has "Senekhnebis daughter of Tabes." [No. 24448.] r'l seems impossible : we sb.ould certainly expect [j ^ 118 May io] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. 48. As 33. 5V' X 2". TaTiTTC BtJffOVTOt e(itwaev lO "Tatipe (daughter) of Besous : lived 19 (years)." See above, No. 47. [No. 245 11.] 49. As 33. 3" X if. Twrnre eriov k/S " Tatipe (daughter) of Pekysis : 22 (?) years (old)." See above, No. 47. ITeAryo-f? : o:b/A5, (^^.^^^) ¥^''^^-''^^b-f, "Horus filleth him." (Louvre 9542)-^: cf. Krebs, 35, 70. 'Eeyjrt'^, probably = nHiMiio^, Saise (2at\^/<^), Revillout, 4 (Louvre 9330). The village of Bompae is constantly mentioned on these labels. On the B.M. bilingual tablet No. 26439, airo Bo^o = firi = °'^^- Brugsch (IV., p. 634) and Hess (S/ne Ha-iii-us, p. 202) give only V» "^, V^ as the demotic equivalents of '^'=^. (In Brugsch. Grammaire Dcmotiqiie, >o = "^^"^^^ only. ) '^ That the vocalization of ^L |^ "^ m^vws .... was more commonly p-j-om-n . . . . , and not the toneless Coptic lipUIJ . . . . , is shown by the "Old-Coptic" gniqTAHUOqT of the Berlin label No. 10541, and the TpOUnA2BeiOIG of Louvre 9589 : the TpGUAIBIT of Louvre, 9518, however, shows that the toneless form was in use. (With this place Fahbetllns. [Paibjt'], compare the Theban village Peeicbeitc, mentioned in B.M. Coptic ostrakon. No. 5875.) 119 May lo] SOCIETV OF DIliLICAL AKCII.IIOLOCV. [1905. Aha{t), "the man of J\il>inhl/iil," i.e., "the Place of the Palace." The various examples j)ul)lished by M. Revillout {/.c.) give the e<]uivalent of Mon-dij usually as aJoTI T.<4- ( "^^^ v^'^'^ Y 0 I ^^'•'^^'"^'-''^ '^'^'^ preceding A^ ^K\ . No. 8 (Louvre 9495) has a slight variation a^IoTmaI?^ ( "^ Tr" Y j i?// (7//'7(/), and Xo. 2 (Louvre, 9327), the equivalent .... (?/^a/, which ^L Rr.vii.i.orT translates " les sycomores du canal de Paha."" But the syllables "^ r— , (1(1 in this last form, even if correc'.ly transcribed (from ,„ ^^), need not necessarily signify " the sycamores,"' and f^ is not "^^^ « (iis M. Revillout aj)pears to of transcribe it, =^ j] 0 ^^ '^'^'^^^ /'''l' "canal"), but the sim[)le v* I liv) ''''"' " pl''^c^)" ''^^ KkEiis has already noted (/.(-., p. 44"). Moreover ^L REvn.r.orr transcribes the sign 1 as/rt ,• 1 is also the well-known equivalent of 0? ''■^'''^ which fits well here, and makes sense. It may be objected that this transcrip- tion iJPa)Buiiaha does not account for the s- of Routto)]. Probably this TT is due to an intercalation of the definite article''" in speaking, though not necessarily in writing, the word. Cy. the omission of the /t (= ^^w^) in the demotic form of the name on the label 9495 of the Louvre (above). In writing the word in (Ireek letters, the necessities of euphony would demand both the /vwwv (= /i) and a Ax^ V\ (= -)• The Egyptian name of tlie town would then be ^^ -- (^^) f f ^. /^MP^'MO, " Place of the Palace."' M. Amelineau {Gcop-apliic, p. 104) will have none of M. Revillout's sycamores and canals, nor will he accept the latter"s identification of Rompae with Sohag. " Je ne crois pas, d'ail- leurs," says he, " ijue ces planchettes proviennent de Sohag, ^-' Cf. Bkcc.sch, D.G.. p. 476, ^ \ ! ^- 120 May 10] GREEK MUMMV-LABEES IX BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. ■:)mme lit-u de premiere origine." That is as it may be, tliev iimst have come from a locality near Ahmim, near which we must also place Bompae. Therefore we cannot acce|it M. Rkvii. lout's identilication ot (<^^ v^ ^.v^vv © 0 (or as he would apparently prefer to write it !<^^ fi /v^/wv ix^ ^^^^ 0 ^^"■^^ //^ Y t^Od' ^'''"^^■^'''^ ''^ town in the Kyiiopolile nome (B., Z?. 6'. f). 476). Also the sacred trees of Pa-A/ia, to which M. Revii.i.out •appeals, were not n-i IJll () (sycamores) but | jl Q (mulberries?) and [1 I [] (tamarisks). [I 1-ave this as originally written. Spir.ciEi.nERG, op. lit., p. 67. '■ makes the word = j|\^ 5^ '^- \ \ ® Biinpahct, " JUL^.-JUL-n^,-^H." for which however he does not give any meaning. I still believe that the 1 here is ^ . not )^\ V\ . and tiiat Wou-a',i reallv = Palace."] Late Ilnd Cent. [No. 23191.] 51. As 54. 5l" X if". kjWWTov (piiivt^i', "Two Brethren." Many May lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1905. of these to us oddly formed names, such as Senphthonsneus " Daughter of four Brethren," Senkhentsan " Daughter of three Brethren," Sensontoou " Daughter of the King of the Two Lands," etc., which are never found even in the latest pharaonic age, are to be gleaned from these mummy labels. The name Wpuu-Tij^ is not uncommon : (/. Krebs, 4, 22, 74, 88 ; Le BlANT 12 {.\/>€U'0,]^), 66 {.\p)]OTt]>^) ; ReVILLOUT, I, 8 {ArpijXios- Apviv7)}v) ; Parthev, p. 20 {AfjviL'Oi]'--). The demotic form (Louvre, 9328) is []2.J5/Ai (^~Pi^) ^''"'-"^''^ (pronounced Haf- w'tf, *^^>pO'¥'OXe), a common name under the XXVIth Dynasty and later. [No. 24515.^ As 54. " Asies (son) of Sisois (and his) mother Tamonsiaus." Aff(»ys- in the bilingual tablet of the Louvre No. 9486 = 32_)^4-T ^SRv^l Hcs, "Singer." (Revillout, 17.) :S/)-d-e d-a{?) r{?)-a-u ... (7) ... a-d- In line 6 Professor Petrie's copy has d instead of a as the last letter but one. The gentilic adjective dbio-hc in line 5 may be " the Abydian," from Abydos, Abdu in Egyptian. In line 2 rd seems to be ra " son." With the termination of Bavl compare Thovl in the Zagazig inscription. VIII and IX. Both these inscriptions, which are in the local variety of the Karian alphabet, were found on the site of the ancient Tralles, the modern Aidin. The first has been published in the Smyrniote periodical, the Me/itor, III, p. 300 (187 1), as well as in the Homcros for 1873, p. 537, from a copy made by M. Kontoleon. The second, of which the late M. Six possessed a cast, was published in the Mittheilungeii of the German Institute for 1890 (XV, p. 337). What we may call the Trallian variety of the Karian alphabet presents us with the new character ^ the Lycian d, which I will transcribe //. In (£ we may see the rare form of the Karian 0, to w^hich I have already drawn attention in my paper on The Kariafi Language {Tr. S.B.A., IX, p. 131). As, however, the distinctive ^ does not occur in these Trallian inscriptions, it is more probable that [f is a special form of the latter character. In the second Trallian inscription the rt also assumes a special form. In this in- scription, moreover, we have the Lycian a(Kaiinka's^), which I have conjecturally given the value of i, and which in the Lycian form of the name Erbbina takes the place of the Karian c. In the Karian inscriptions previously published by me it is found only on a scaraboid (Sayce, VI, 1), and at Abu-Simbel (I, 5) at the end of a name which is elsewhere written Meza-ai without it. Unless^ therefore, it is the aspirate // (as in the Aramaic inscriptions of 126 May io] LVDIAN AND KARIAN INSCRIPTIONS IN EGYPT. [1905. Asia Minor) we may perhaps regard the writer of this particular Abu-Simbel graffito as coming from the neghbourhood of Tralles. It will be noticed that while the first inscription reads from lett to right, the second runs from right to left. In both inscriptions the word m-a-u-iv occurs in a position which indicates that it must signify "tomb," "tombstone," or something similar. The epithet Mavnatoii-hcon the Memphis stela (Sayce. II, i) may be a derivative from it, and the name of Maussolos, as well as of the tribe of the Maunnitee at Olymos, may come from the same root. ^\ivvs signified "land" in Lydian. I read the first inscription : A-gh-s-e Re(?)-e-a-g-a-n-e m-a u-w M-a-g-s-a-ii, " The tomb (?) of Axos Re-agenes, the son of Moxos." I read the third letter as .$■ and not as 7'-/, as the combination gh-v-I is improbable. It must be admitted, however, that the s is differently formed in the third line. The second name seems to be a compound of the Greek -^/ei'^s- with the name cf a deity, perhaps Rhea. Magsaii must be the Greek Moxos (Lycian Makhzza) ; as the last character takes the place of the more usual it of other inscriptions, it will have the value of //' or an allied sound. The second inscription is : S-re(?)-u(?)-a-n-i(?) m-a-u-w a-v-ai-n- o-gh-[h-e], "The tomb (?) of Sreuan (?) the dragoman (?) " The last word is doubtful, as I do not know whether the break in the middle of it represents a flaw in the stone or the loss of two letters; if there is no break, the word will be the avnokh-he "dragoman" of the bilingual inscription of Memphis (Sayce, II, 3), with which the proper name Avnos must be compared (Sayce, IV, 16,17). It ^vill follow that the vowel which I have provisionally transcribed ai is really a short sound corresponding to the Hebrew shewa ; this will explain its interchange with e in No. 2. Compare also the forms M-e-s-n-a-b-ai(a) (I, i), Me-s-n-b-o (II, 4), M-e-s-n-aw-ai (as we must read I, 7), and Me-s-w-a-w-wu ( Wadi Haifa., I, 4, 5). In Silsilis, I, i {F.S.B.A., XVII, pp. 40, 207), we have the genitive Me-s-n-a-w-ai-ii. Reading Mesnazvsii we should have a form parallel to Evavseii and Miguleil. The Silsilis inscription {P.S.B.A., XVII, p. 207) is written in boustrophedon fashion, the f>ie of the first line being further turned upside down and peculiar shapes given to the i' and n. I read : . . l-o-h(6'r t ?)-a-re(?) ss-a Me-s-n-a-w-ai-ii ii-o-ss-v-o-s-e th(?)-a-gh - The name on the scaiaboid seems to be the 'lAi'^ijy of Halikarnassos. 127 May io] SOriETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.l£OLOt;V. [1903. ;ii-th(?)-d-a ai-o-ss-v-gh . . for the beginning of the word ii-o ss-v-o- s-e compare a-o-v-ai-o(?)-dh-u {Me?np/i., II, 2) and a-a-u-6(?)-dh-e {.Ifyd., IV, 26), as well as o-a-ss-a-ai-v-e-ii {Abyd., IV, 26). An exact copy of the Kaunian (?) inscription from Krya or Kryassus has now been published by E. Kalinka in the Ti/iili Asiu Minoris, I, p. 24 (1901), from a squeeze taken by himself and R. Heberdey. It reads as follows : 1. th(?)-o-ko(?)-o-vu-u-s re(?)-e-s-a 2. vu-gh u-r-o-re(?)-u-l-v-ii 3. s-l-vii-gh o-u-o(?)-gh-o-v 4. gh o-v-e 1-a-vu-s The divisions between the words are (juite uncertain. For the sake of reference I will add here a list of my previou"; Papers in the Transactions and Proceedings of this Society in which I have given copies of the Karian and Lydian inscriptions : Trans- actions, IX, I (1887), Proceedings, XVII, i (1895), X\^II, 5, p. 207 (1895). These, together with the present Paper, contain all the texts that have been discovered up to the present time. Note. .Since the above was printed, I see that in the second Tralle.s> inscription the words, or word, preceding maiiw are a repetition of those found in the first inscription, except that the word agli — which may mean "this (is)," or something similar — has been omitted. In the first inscription we have : a-gh s-e-re-e-a g-a-n-e m-a-u-w, and in the second inscription : s-re (g)-a-n-i m-a-u-w. The character which I have written (g) must be the equivalent of g, and not a vowel, while the character which I represent by / will express a sound similar to that of c. As a place called Sra(eu) seems to be mentioned in Abu-Simbel I, 1. 5, we may perhaps translate the two inscriptions: (i) "This (is) the memorial of Seragenes, the son of Mo.xos"; (2) "The memorial of Seragenes the dragoman."' No. V should be read the reverse way to that in which I have read it above ; the last word vu-gh occurs again in the Krya inscrii)- tion, line 2, and probably in III, 2. 128 PLATE I. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1905 ^ I- rx < nr t^^ ' T— 01 0 ^ Vw* «-\ n t>- .^ E > 2 ^ « e ? a X 1 I u * — ^ le 0 0 ^ >- ^«^ u *!S<\V I * 2: 0 0 t. « * <« < C3 D- 0- y- ^Z. l> 0- ^ ,^^ c X © < s + 6 a ^ -^XN Froc. Soc. Bill. Arch., May, 1905. PLATE II. ^-1 !M!1!b VII A M/ /NA a: /^ iT A c 9 N a: A^ Avk O A/ *^ <^ A A IX Pro(. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1905. iTo^'P^ofjid^i^i^niffir roT^/^^^p O^mrn ,///// m''W'\\®^f D C INSCRIPTIONS FROM GEBEL ABOU GORAB. AW^MAXN^cf/w ®v > INSCRIPTION FROM KIIOR EL GORAB EL BAIIARI. :siA\ lo] INSCRIPTIONS FROM GEBEL AEOU GORAB. [igoS- INSCRIPTIONS FROM GEBEL ABOU GORAB. By G. Legrain, The Texts here pubhshed are, I beheve, hitherto unedited. I copied them at the north of Shatt er Rigal (nine kilometres north of Gebel Silsih's), in the Gebel Abou Gorab. The inscriptions A, C, L) (sec Plate) are very lightly engraved on the rocks, showing distinctly on the weather-stained stone. The Insciiptions are difficult to read, and I do not pretend to have given a Text entirely free from error. I have, to the best of my ability, drawn what I have seen. One who is conversant with inscriptions of the sort would probably have made a better copy, and, I may add, a more extensive one, for there were several inscriptions I was obliged to leave uncopied. The Inscription A comes from between the Khor Daba and the Khor el Ouaza. The mountain is very near the Nile, and its last spurs almost reach the river bank. The drawing represents two ostiiches pursued by a dog with a pointed muzzle, straight ears, and a cropped tail. It is apparently by the same hanJ that wrote the inscription above it. The Inscriptions C and D come from the near neighbourhood of A, above described. The Inscription B comes from further south, at the edge of the Khor el Gorab el Bahari. It is well and deeply cut on the upper surface of a rock, almost on a level with the soil. I have made a cast of it, which is now in the Cairo Museum. ^ [Note. — Inscription B, it will be seen, is the Inscription II which I have given from Mr. Legrain's cast of it. (See page 124 anfe and my Plate I.) A comparison of the cast and his copy will inspire confidence in their correctness. But I believe that I see on the left-hand side of the cast the remains of a name which Mr. Legrain has not noted in his coi)y, as well as a line of division l)efore "■^ nepughr — A. H. Savce.] ^ It will be found on the Upper floor, Rcom X, Case B. 129 K May lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1905. THE MAGIC IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. Bv F. Legge. Scattered throughout the different Egyptian museums of Europe, Africa, and America, are some fifty flat pieces of ivory, or wands, carved with figures of a very singular kind. They seem all, when complete, to have been of the same shape, and to have presented the curve of the pointed extremity of the natural tusk, so as to look something like an Australian boomerang. In many cases the tusk has been split longitudinally, to allow of more than one wand being made of it, and in this case the design generally appears on the convex side only. In those on which more care has been bestowed — such as for instance that shown in fig. 3 — designs appear on both sides, which have been rubbed flat and polished for the purpose. The size does not greatly vary, being on the average about 12 inches by 2, and this would point to a very small animal if the ivory came from an elephant. As, moreover, elephant ivory was always valuable in Egypt, and the work on some of the wands here figured is too roughly and carelessly executed to imply an expensive material, it seems more likely that the ivory used was that of some indigenous animal, such as the hippopotamus. Only four of the wands bear de- signs in relief, those on all the others being incised with some pointed instrument. Most of them were acquired during the last century in the happy-go-lucky way of Egyptian exploration then current, and no record has been kept of their provenance ; but in the very few cases where it has been possible to establish this decisively, they have all come from the neighbourhood of Thebes. It may be merely a coincidence, but most of the ]MS. collections of magical receipts in Demotic or Greek, generally known as magic papyri, seem to have, been found in the same neighbourhood, and there is therefore some ground for believing that Thebes was in all ages the favourite hunting-ground of professional magicians, who made money by the exercise of " curious arts." Seeing that the city was for long the seat of that priesthood who finally succeeded in acquiring supreme May io] MAGIC IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. power in Egypt, and that its lesser members must at different periods have found great difficulty in extorting a livelihood from the benefactions of the throne or from the devotion of their flocks, this seems probable enough. A like state of things probably accounts for the number of wandering " Chaldeans " or wizards who appeared in the West after the break-up of the priestly colleges on the Euphrates, and for the recrudescence of the practice of magic, witchcraft, and divination which followed close upon the heels of the Protestant Reformation. Descripticn of tlie Plates. Fig. I. (Plate T.) No very exact classification of these wands being possible, I propose to take first those which are either perfect or capable of being restored in such a way that the whole design originally carved upon them is apparent. First among these is this very typical one from the British Museum. ^ As will be seen, it bears a procession of figures, starting from the blunt end of the wand and going, towards the point. The blunt end bears a lion's fare, while the point is shaped into the mask of what seems to be a jackal. This seems to have some ritual or conventional significance, and, as will be seen later, great care was taken in most cases to ensure the extremities of the wand terminating with these emblems. The first place in the procession is taken l)y a square frame, like that appearing in '^ |, the well-known ideograph of Hat-hor, or '•' the house of Horus," with the exception that the artist has, perhaps from carelessness, transformed the small square generally to be found in the corner of the frame into a triangle. The frame, or plan proper, is occupied by the head of an animal which I think must be taken for a cow.^ Perhaps the whole group is intended to read ' This, with the small fragment, afterwards called Fig. 37, has already appeared in the Proccedini^s (XXII, p. 139, PI. VIII), while Fig. 3 {post) appeared in Vol. X, p. 570, in a communication from the former Secretary and present Vice-Presilent of the Society, Mr. Rylands. I have thought it best to reproduce all these here, for the purpose of comparison. - Because of its upright horns. The ram's head, as it appears, for instance, in P^ig. 3, has generally horns projecting hor'zontally. I.^I K 2 May io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1905. the " House of the Cow," to which, in the cosmogonic myth of the Destruction of Mankind, the god Ra retires just before sun-rise." As this was the name of the Libyan nome, which was the western- most of all the nomes in the Delta, it may possibly here mean the West generally. Or if we take the cow as the emblem of Hathor, we should remember that the Golden Hathor was " the goddess of the western sky, which received the dying sun in the glow of sunset,"* which amounts to pretty much the same thing. Following this figure comes a frog armed with a knife and seated on a neh or basket. There can be little doubt that this symbolises the very ancient goddess Heqet, the goddess who typified birth, or, as was saiassaf/f treading upon an upright snake, with another extended over him ; then the kneeling figure of Anubis, holding in his left hand a sceptre and a snake, and with the other brandishing a short rod or club above his head ; then a lion- headed goddess sitting crowned with an eye and having the utchaf on her knees, who may possibly be the Utchat-Sekhet-mt-Hent-uc/cru of ihe 164th chapter of the Book of the Dead ;-^ and then the Tit pillar and a cresset, which closes the procession. On the reverse, beginning at the blunt end, we have first a cat armed with a knife and sa sign, then a griffin or hawk-headed lion .NvyV?/// treading on a snake, and then the crocodile with incurved tail, in the fold of which are three human heads. The animals in this panel are turned towards the centre of the design, so as to face an inscription in three vertical lines, as before, nearly identical with that already given : — 1) ( AAAAA^ Ann .^-^/v. h :^ii-<>. I I I A n ^ I "r^l Jl 1^ [Probably] " These protectors say : \Ve come, we afford protection to Snaa-ab, daughter of the lady of the house Senb-se-ma." " The long legs and weazel-like body here given to it make this animal more mysterious than ever. It is certainly not not here intended for the oryx, ass, okapi, or jrrboa. -•' It should be noted that in the Pyramid Texts (Unas, 1. 70), Anubis is mentioned in what seems to be a kind of Chapter of the Eye of Horus, and it is ]5robable therefore that all the figures from the inscription to the cresset are connected. May io] SOCIETY OF lUBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1905. On the other side of the inscription is the god Bes strangling snakes, side by side with another full-faced figure, unfortunately almost entirely erased, who seems to be holding in his hands two small animals, which seem to resemble the hare (?) in the right hand of the Horus of the Metternich stele. Then follows the inscription : — " Saith the fighter : I come, I afford protection to Snaa-ab, daughter of Senb-se-ma repeating life/' The centre panel is entirely occupied by the chimaera, followed by the Anubis term and turn'.;d towards Bes, and then comes the last inscription : — v^WN — ^1 I "r'W ii 1 " The many protectors say : ^^'e come, we afford protection to Snaa-ab, daughter of the lady of the house Senb-se-ma, repeat- ing life." The remaining panel is occupied by a snake upright, a human head followed by a cat armed with a knife and walking on her hind legs, the knife-armed frog on its fie/>, another Anubis term, this time without a knife, a cresset, and a large snake in waves. Fig. 5. (Pi.ATK I.) This, which is also from Berlin, is of very poor execution com- pared with that just described, the figures being merely scratched in. But it is notable from having, in addition to the lion's face and jackal's mask, its pointed extremity curved into the head of an animal with pointed muzzle and staring eyes, of which we shall see better examples later. The figures, taking them from the end to which they are proceeding, are: the knife-armed, snake-necked May io] MAGIC IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. leopard, the hippopotamus-goddess, another animal too much erased to be distinguished, the Anubis term, the crocodile with incurved tail, the god Bes, and the cliimaera, this last being turned about so as to face the lion's mask. Fig. 6. (Platk V.) This is from the Cairo Museum, and my information concerning it is derived from M. Daressy's volume in the General Catalogue of the Museum, intided "Textes et Dessins Magiques." The pointed end only bears a mask, which M. Daressy thinks is that of a lion. Then comes the Anubis term with knife, a sun-disk on two legs, one of which holds a knife, the god Bes, the sa sign, a seated cat, a snake, the chimaera figure, and the crocodile with incurved tail, having two human heads below it. The only new feature about this is the sun-disk, which for the first time is here represented as walking. Fig. 7. (Plate V.) Also from Cairo, and described in M. Daressy's Catalogue as found at Gournah. It has the usual mask of a long-eared animal at the pointed end, and probably the lion's mask at the other, although this last is too much mutilated for the design to be seen. The processi:n consists of the panther, the double bull, a cyno- cephalus walkmg, a Hon whom M. Daressy thinks is devouring some animal,-^ and the double sphinx with, at any rate, one knife. The design is here also extremely poor and scratchily executed. On the back is the inscription — *' These gods say : We come as a protection and life every dny around Pnehi, born of the lady of the house " *■• This seems to be a mistake, the lion's shoulder being too upright for his head to Ije sunk as it would be in the act of eating. The lines which he takes for the outline of an animal seem to me to be accidental injuries. 139 May ic] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1905. FiC. 8. (Pl.ATK VI.) This, which is now in the Eu,yi)tian Museum of the Louvre, is remarkable for the care and skill witii which the design is executed. Unfortunately only a small fragment of it remains, which shows the sun-disk walking above what appears to be a heap of dismembered human legs. Then comes the god Bes, and then a group consisting of the hippopolamua-goddess bearing a crocodile on her back breathing into the mouth of a kneeling prisoner, who has his hands tied behind him and wears the peculiar Hat caj), resembling the Carlist or Basque boiiia in form, which in Xos. 43 and 45 of Prof. Petrie's Ethnograpliical Casts from Karnak in the British Museum distinguishes those whom he calls the Shasu or Arabs. The group at first reminds one of the .story on the Metternich Stele, where it is said that when Horus was stung by a scorpion, " Isis l)laced her nose in his mouth to karn if there was any breath in him."""' That the hippopotamus-goddess is here Reret, one of tht- forms of Isis, is plain from a comparison of the figure here given with the hippopotamus bearing a crocodile on her back depicted on the ceiling of the Ramesseum, of >vhich M. Maspero says : "c'etait Isis tenant Typhon enchaine pour Tempecher de nuire a Sahou- Osiris." -^ But her prisoner can hardly be Horus, and we can therefore only suppose that she is here about to devour some Typhonian person. Behind her comes the snake-necked leopard of the carved slates, and above this is seen the corner of a scjuare frame or plan, such as forms part of the symbol of Hathor. Fk;. 9. (Plate VI.) This, which forms the reverse of Fig. 8, shows two dog-headed deities, perhaps Anubis and Apuat, having the ntc/iat between then\ and wings instead of hands, which meet upon the top of a large so sign. The inscription which follows is — ^"-^ '" I am the possessor of the eye, and I come as a protection for ," the name being unfortunately missing. -■' See Budge, op. fit., II, p. 210. -" Maspero, Lcs On);iiiiS, \). 94, n. 4 ; J.i/^'i'inr, Tonibcau dc Scti L I'l. XXXVI. 140 May io] magic IVORIKS OF TIIK MIDDLE EMI'IRK. [1905. Fig. 10. (Plate VII.) This, which is in tlie Cairo Museum, is important, as showing the means taken to give to the pointed end of the wand the appear- ance of a jackal's head wiien that emblem did not form part of the design. Here the end of the ivory has been sharpened and inserted into a jackal's mask carved in acacia wood and, as M. Daressy states, "finement travaille." The figures consist of a snake, a frog armed with a knife, the signs V ^^^ the chimaera. Facing these is the hippopotamus-goddess holding a snake, which she gnaws ; a serpent upright on his tail : a bull-headed god holding the dfik/i and uas sceptre ; the signs V ^|/ T ' ^^^ figure of a hairy animal with a lion's head, holding and biting a snake — M. Daressy thinks this also is the hippopotamus-goddess, — then two snakes interlaced, the god Bes, and the hind-part of some quadruped with a very long curled tail, probably a cynocephalus. Fig. ir. (Plate VII.) In this, which comes from Berlin, double pains have been taken with regard to the point, which here has a (presumably) wooden attachment in the usual shape, as well as the jackal's mask engraved directly behind it. The figures comprise the frog with knife and on n the //i'/>, the signs ijp , a leopard passanl with knife, a great snake O in waves, the god Bes, holdinu; this time not snakes but lizards or perhaps crocodiles, the signs O y £■ — s V ^^'^^ the chimaera, while the remains of a snake, which appears to be grasped by the middle by some god or animal, appears just before the break. Fig. 13. (Plate VIII.) Also from Berlin ; shows merely the attached jackal's head together with the sun-disk walking and the fragment of another figure. 141 May lo] SOCIETY OK lilliLICAL ARCII.llOLOC.V. [1905. Fig. 13. (Plate VIII.) From the Cairo Museum ; found at Licht. The point itself has been carved into what M. Daressy thinks is the face of a lion. Some part of the wand is missing, but the figure of the hippopotamus- goddess follows the carved head. Then after the break appears the tail of some animal ; the chimaera, this time with two heads detached from but above it ; the god Bes ; two interlaced snakes ; the head of a jackal walking, biting a snake and holding a knife ; while the end bears a design which M. Daressy calls a lotus flower. At the back is the inscrii)tion : — "These [gods] say we afford protection to the royal daughter Ptah neferu." Fig. 14. (Plate IX.) From Cairo. Found at Abydos, and described by M. Daressy as of ebony. The head is carved into the likeness of the jackal's mask, while immediately afterwards comes this inscription, partly in relief : — " Fair God, lord of the two lands, doer of sacrifices, son of the Sun, Seb-kai, beloved of the goddess Isis." Then comes the hippopotamus-goddess with knife, a snake upright upon its tail, an indistinct object which M. Daressy thinks may be the buckle amulet, the god Bes, a seated lion with knife, another seated animal, another hippopotamus (?), and a jackal's head. No king of the name of Seb-kai has been known hitherto, and the work is extremely poor for it to have come from any royal equipage. Fig. 15. (Plate IX.) From the Louvre. Is singular in having the pointed end termi- nating not in the usual mask but in a sort of floral design, which may possibly have been intended for insertion into an attachment 142 May lo] MAGIC IVORIES OF TIIK MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. like that shown in Figs. 10 and 11. Proceeding from this end are the two interlaced snakes and one outstretched one, then a tortoise, a scarabaeus displayed, the signs V sa and -r- ir^//^/i, a large winged uraeus erect to strike, which may possibly be intended for the goddess Uatchet, a form of Isis, the sign ^^F, the Anubis term, the god Bes, the inscription : — mt o " Protection and life are around her every day," and the hippopotamus-goddess, after which the wand is mutilated. Fig. 16. (Plate IX.) From Cairo. Found in the tomb of Neferhotep at Drah Abu'I Neggah. M. Daressy thinks he can discover the remains of the jackal's mask at the point, after which comes the iitchat, a cynocephalus passant, a snake, the sun-disk Avalking, a bull-headed god holding the atikh and tias sceptre, the hippopotamus-goddess with knife and sa^ a lioness upright gnawing a snake, the chimaera, the Anubis term, and a tortoise. Fig. 17. (Plate X.) From the Collection of Prof. Petrie. Introduces us to several new figures. Next to the jackal's mask at the pointed end comes the double andro-sphinx, this time crowned with horns and solar disks and bearing knives. Then follows a ram co^^chant on a 7ieb, with a scourge in his off fore-foot.~~ The group presents some striking analogies with the " Lamb and Flag " emblem of the Templars, which may well be a revival of it. Then, after the break, comes the head of the chimaera followed by a vulture, also on a 7ieb, in the form '-'' Probably, from the solar disk given in Fig. 18, a form of Ra. Cf. Budget op. cit. , I, p. 342. The pose of the animal is the same as that in the colossal "lamb" now in the Palace at Khartum [vide John Ward, Our Sudan, p. 132), and said to have been brought thither by Gordon from Soba. The diapering of body (to represent wool ?) is also the same in the two cases. 143 May io] SOCIETY OF BIIJLICAL AKCILIlOLOGV. [1905. of the usual representation of tlie goddess Nekhebit where she forms part of the nebti in the royal protocol. This is followed hy the hippopotamus-goddess with the knife, but -without the sa, and facing her is the knife -armed frog, not on a 7ieb as usual, but on the ])erch. These figures are better executed than the average, and the two fragments here given evidently once formed part of a long wand, the loss of which is much to be regretttd. Fig. 18. (Plate X.) Also from the Petrie Collection. Shows the remains of the lion's face which once formed the blunt end of the wand. Approaching it are the hippopotamus-goddess gnawing a snake, the Lamb and Flag group as in the last wand, but with the solar disk between the horns of the animal, the god Bes, and the chimaera, above which a large snake with open mouth is extended. Fk;. 19. (Plate XI.) Also from the Petrie Collection. Introduces us to some divinities not to be found on the other wands. Towards the lion's face are marching the hippopotamus-goddess with knife, followed by a god grasping what appears to be a snake. The god is in human form, with the head of some animal, which the break that here occurs ]jrevents us from recognising. Then, after the break, comes a lion- headed goddess holding the papyrus scejjtre in one hand and in the other a staff with a ring at the top, which is possibly the ankh. This goddess is probab'y Pasht or Sekhet, and is followed by one who is clearly Set and bears the same emblem. Then comes a hawk- headed god with the uas sceptre, and then the remains of a huge ■coiled and winged uraeus with human head, who is probably intended for Uatchet or some other form of Isis. Fic. 20, (Plate XI.) Also from the Petrie Collection. The leading figure in the procession is probably the upright lioness grasping a snake, and is followed by a cat walking on her hind legs and holding a knife in her right and a snake in her left paw. These are followed by the ■chimaera and a vulture, this time on a perch, and armed with a knife. M4 AfAY 10] MAGIC IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. Fig. 21. (Plate XII.) 1^'rom Berlin. Following the hippopotamus-goddess comes the jackal's head on two legs ; then the lion on his hind legs, biting a snake, which he holds in his forepaws ; then the cat in the act of springing ; and then turned about the lamb and flag, the lamb being here armed with a knife, and seated on a basket of square or cylin- drical shape instead of the usual spherical one. In front of it is to be seen the rear half of the chimaera. Fig. 22. (Plate VIII.) From the Louvre. After the hippopotamus-goddess, armed with a knife and grasping a snake, comes the interlaced snakes extended above the chimaera. Following them, the upright lion, knife-armed and biting a snake, and then what appears to be a very large knife. Fig. 23. (Plate XIV.) From the Collection of Lady William Cecil. Found at Aswan. The procession begins with the god Bes ; then comes a lion sejant armed with a knife ; then the hippopotamus-goddess, with a knife in one forepaw and the auk/I instead of the sa sign in the other. These are followed by the chimaera, perhaps with a panthers rather than a bird's head ; then the sun-disk on two legs with an ankh, and then two seated gods with the aiikh on their knees, but with heads unfortunately too mutilated for recognition. The treatment here differs considerably from that adopted in most of the preceding wands, and the repetition of the ankh-iv^w throughout is noteworthy. Fig. 24. (Plate XIV.) From the Collection of Mr. F. G. Hilton Price. The design is nearly effaced, but the procession seems to open with some quadruped. Then comes the god Bes, and then the snake-necked leopard, above which is extended a snake. Then follows the lion on his hind-legs, with the ankh in one paw ; then the hippopotamus- goddess with knife and ankh, while the two interlaced snakes and the chimaera close the procession. 145 L May io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGY. [1905- Fig. 25. (Plate XIV.) Also from Mr. Hilton Price's Collection. From the similarity of style it no doubt once formed part of Fig. 24. From the pointed end proceeds a crocodile, apparently couchant upon a platform, having underneath it a snake in waves ; then the frog on neb, and the hippopotamus-goddess with knife and sa. She is preceded by the upright lion, in front of which comes the snake-necked leopard with a knife and having a snake in waves outstretched above him. Fig, 26. (Plate XIII.) From Prof Petrie's Collection. From the jackal's mask proceeds a lion passant, having the remains of a knife under his near forepaw just visible, while above him are stretched the two interlaced snakes. After the first break comes the frog, knife-armed, and seated on perch, while above it can be seen the tail end of a snake. Before it goes the snake-eating lion on hind-legs, while the remains of the tail of the chimaera are just indicated. After the next break appears the chimaera's head above the greater part of a knife, and then a curious figure, which appears to be the mummy of a cat, with a knife at its base. Fig. 27. (Plate XII.) In the British Museum. Proceeding towards the lions face, carved like the rest of the fragment in bold relief, are two gods bearing sceptres. The first is horned, with inlaid eyes, the sceptre appearing to have the head of a hammer. His companion is without horns and bears the uas. The arms in both cases are too long to be in drawing, and the treatment does not seem to observe any of the usual conventions. The two figures appear to be walking on the body of a huge snake, while another is stretched above them in a way that reminds one of some of the vignettes of the Book of the Underworld. Fig. 28. (Pl.\te XIV.) This little piece, also in relief, is from the Cairo Museum, and differs entirely in treatment from any of the other wands in the same 146 May io] magic IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. collection. I give M. Daressy's description from the Catalogue General verbatim : — I. jRegisfre supcrieiir. 1°. Cynocephale assis, tenant un cou- teau. 2°. Deesse a tete do lionne accroupie, ayant un couteau pose sur les genoux. 3°. Lion marchant, la queue relevee au-dessus du corps. II. Registre inferieur. 1°. Grenouille (?) dont la tete manque ; un fouet est fixe sur son dos. 2°. Lion assis, tenant un couteau. 3°. Grenouille, tenant un couteau. 4°. Lion assis. Travail rude. Le corps de cynocephale est ponctue, le dos des grenouille quadrille, pas d'autres details. Le bord inferieur manque. Fig. 29. (Plate XVII.) Also in the Cairo Museum. It is with great difficulty that any of the figures can be traced, but M. Daressy says that they are as follows : — On the pointed part : — " 1°. Le signe ^ , avec un couteau dresseau pieddu poteau. ''2°. Thoueris hippopotame appuyee sur y et tenant un couteau." On the blunt part : — " 1°. Le dos d'une divinite qui devait etre la Thoueris a corps de lion. " 2", Un bceuf momifie, le corps enveloppe dans une etoffe quadrillee. Entre ses cornes est place une disque, sur son dos est fixe un fouet, et entre ses pattes un couteau . " 3°. Serpent ondule." Fig. 30. (Plate VIII.; From the Collection of the Sec retary of this Society, Mr. W. L. Nash. It shows the hippopotamus-goddess holding a knife and snake, which last she gnaws. Behind comes the Anubis term, also 147 May ioJ SOCIBrV OF DICLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. biting a snake, and with the unusual addition of what appears to he a pair of folded wings or plumes on each side of the post. Fig. 31. (Platk XII.) From Prof. Petric's Collection, is remarkable as showing the lion-necked leopard biting a snake, which is, 1 think, the only instance in which this monster is depicted as a carnivorous animal. Fig. 32. (Plate XIII.) variant of the usual si showino' the uraeus combined with the other emblem From Berlin. A variant of the usual sun-disk on two legs, (Plates XV to XVII.) Figs. 33 to 37 (British Museum), 38 to 41 (Berlin Museum), and 42 to 44 (Prof. Petrie's Collection), seem to call for no further remark, all the figures upon them having already occurred on the wands described above. But attention must be drawn to the truth and beauty of the work put into the figures on the small fragment from Berlin, forming two sides of the same wand, which is here numbered 38 and 39. Could the missing part of this object be discovered it could hardly fail to be of the greatest use to us in settling the type of the various animals conventionally figured on these wands. The Meaning of the Figures. What scene is it that is intended to be depicted by the procession which, as we have seen, fills all these wands? I think there can be little doubt that it is the march of the sun either across the sky or through the Underworld, here typified by the passage from the lion's face to the jackal's mask. The constant recurrence of the solar emblem, whether in the shape of the disk rayed or mounted upon human legs, the scarabaeus, the ufchaf, and the cressets or lights are almost sufficient proof of this, but in addition it may be pointed out that nearly all the remaining figures arc of animals connected with the solar legends. The figures of Bes and of the frog Heqet are to be found in the "Birth chamber" of all Egyptian temples, wherein was depicted the birth of one or other form of the sun-god, and 148 May io] MAGIC IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. they appear in like manner at scenes like those at Deir el-Bahari, wherein is shown the birth of the Pharaoh who was the sun-god's representative on earth. The same remarks apply to the hippo- potamus-goddess, who is to be found on all these wands, and who is also represented in the Book of t/ic Dead as watching at the foot of the Mountain of Sunset.-'^ But the hippopotamus with the croco- dile on her l)ack, as shown in Fig. 8, is best known to us as a constellation figure, in which capacity she figures, as has been said, on the ceiling of the Ramesseum.~'^ Among the constellations in the same picture is the solar lion coucha/if, and this alone might serve to tell us that the scenes in which these two animals appear must be sui)posed to be taking place in the sky, without reference to the fact that the lion, in the words of Dr. Budge, was "usually associated with the sun-god Horus or Ra, and with deities of a solar character.'" 3" The hawk of Horus is also shown here (Fig. 3) in a context which leaves no doubt as to the solar capacity in which he appears, and the same may be said of the ram-headed deity who appears on the same wand. The cat is one of the favourite forms of the sun-god Ra, while the griffin is always a solar attendant, and the part played by the cynocephalus baboon with regard to the sun has been already mentioned. Of the vulture, who here appears sometimes on a neb and sometimes on a perch, it is difficult to say as much ; yet the emblem of maternity is a likely figure to be introduced in any scene connected with the daily birth of the sun-god, and if Dr. Naville^^ is right in saying that Meskhenet, the goddess of birth, is "another form of Heqet and Nekhehit," the frog and vulture goddesses respectively, her presence here is explained. As to the jackals, whether Anubis or Apuat, they appear as the " openers of the way " to the sun-god in all the texts, and there is therefore no need to dwell upon them further. The Anubis term appears in the same capacity in the Book of the Gates (Wiedemann, op. cit.., p. 97). The crocodiles, tortoises,*^ and such of the snakes as are neither uraei nor the forerunners of the Sun, "'* Maspeio, Et. de Myth., t. i, p. 334. -'■' See Maspeio, Les On'giiies, p. 92-; or Budge, Gods of the Egyptians. II, p. 313, for a representation of this. •"' Budge, op. lit., p. 360. " Deii- el Baliari, II, p. 17. ^- The tortoise is also a conslellation figure, vide Maspero, Et. de Myth., t. ii, p. 136, and Brugsch, Astroii. Insch., t. i, p. 113. 149 May io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1905. are probably introduced here, like the Set-animal, as his enemies, whom those in his cortege take pleasure in slaughtering. The appearance of the human heads within, as it were, the folds of the great crocodile with the curved tail, may be intended also to show that he is hostile to man. This, I think, accounts for all the figures on these wands with the exception of the two monsters whom I have called the snake-necked leopard and the chimaera respectively. I have before suggested {F.S.B.A. XXII, p. 138) that the two snake- necked leopards on the great carved slate of Hieraconpolis are there shown as watching or guarding the sun disk, and I am still of the same opinion. But I have lately become doubtful whether both this and the chimaera figure are not distorted repre- sentations of actual beasts with which the Egyptians had ceased to be familiar. The giraffe was not a native of Egypt, and has always been the subject of extraordinary legends, such as that retailed by Sir John Mandeville, who says that its legs on one side being shorter than those on the other, it can only live on the side of a conical hill. Moreover, although even the primitive Egyptians could draw it well enough when they chose (witness F.S.B.A. XXII, PI. VI, and p. 270), by the time of Queen Hatshepsut it was a curiosity worthy of being brought from the land of Punt, and it would be quite possible for an accurate and a fanciful representation of the animal to exist side by side without being recognised as identical. The spotted body of the animal has always led the unscientific to remark upon its likeness to the Felidae, and the English name of " cameleopard," although only a punning translation of the Greek /.M/o/XoTT-a'/jcaX/v, still preserves the memory of the popular fallacy on the subject. In like manner it seems to me that the chimaera may well have been the portrait by the aborigines of the Delta of a horseman as first seen by them, who would be thought to combine with a human head on his back and the legs of a feline quadruped the swiftness of a bird and the rapacity of a hawk. Whether this be so or not, it may be noted that nearly all nations of the ancient world, including the Greeks in Mycenaean times, and the Babylonians, made use of such composite figures to denote those dreaded beings who were neither god nor man, but occupied a shadowy position between the two. The natural place for such demons — using the word in its Greek rather than its English sense — was the desert that lay beyond the inhabited world, where, according 150 May io] magic IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. to one theory of the Egyptian universe, the sun used to wander during the hours of darkness. It is therefore natural enough that we should find them here together with the other solar animals. The resemblance between the scenes shown on the wand called Fig. 3 and what is said in the Book of the U7ide rworl d ^lQovX the fifth hour of the night or the " Land of Seker," is very marked, and it may be that this wand was in some way connected with the worship of that god. The Use of the Wands. The inscriptions given above can, I think, leave no doubt in the mind of anyone that the wands were made for the purpose of magical protection, or, to use a technical word, as phylacteries. I venture to think further that these phylacteries were all intended for a specific purpose, which was to protect the owner from the bites of snakes.-'''' Not only was Bes looked upon, as Prof. Wiedemann notes,"^ as the especial " foe of serpents," whom he is here always depicted as strangling with his hands, but all the other animals, even including the snake-necked leopard, who, on the the great carved slate of Hieraconpolis is represented as so tame as to be restrained by one man with a collar and chain, are represented on one or other of our wands as biting or trampling upon snakes. That with this end in view the daily and nightly march of the sun should be displayed is exactly what those who have studied the ideas which underlie the practice of magic would expect. For the sun, whether as Ra overthrowing Apep, or in his natural shape, was always looked upon in Egypt as having serpents for his enemies,"^-' and his companions in his daily progress are represented in the Book of the Dead and elsewhere as spearing, stabbing, and dis- membering them at every step. Now it is a fundamental rule in all :« pj-of_ Erman's contention that they were to protect the dead rather than the living against the attacks of reptiles in the Underworld seems to be negatived l)y the fact that the names of the persons for whom they were made are never attended by the expression ma-kheru or any of its equivalents. In the case of Snaa-ab's wand (Fig. 4) a careful distinction is made between her mother Senb-se-ma, who is called neinit diik/i, and herself, who is not. •^ Religion, p. 167. '^ Cf. The Hymn to the Aten from El Amarna (Wiedemann, op. ciL, p. 40) : " When thou settest on the western horizon all snakes bite." May io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. magic that the mere recital or portrayal of an act done by some great personage, such as a god or a king, will cause this act to be repeated somewhere else, and hence the picture of the triumphs of Ra would be the very thing of all others to have a fatal effect on all serpents in its neighbourhood. Date of the Wands. As to this there is very little to be said. The names of those for whom these wands were made, such as Ptah-neferu, Seb-kai, Pnehi, and the like are all consonant with the fact of their being made in the period ranging from the Xllth to the XlVth dynasty, to which the curators of the Cairo Museum assign them. They bear there- fore some of the earliest representations of the god Bes, and their manufacture may be connected with the introduction of his worship. Their disappearance in later times is no doubt due to their super- session by the Cippi of Horus and steles like the Metternich stele intended to subserve the same purpose. In conclusion, I have to thank Mr. H. R. Hall for his help in reading the inscriptions and for several valuable suggestions, and Professors Erman and Schafer of Berlin, M. Benedite of the Louvre, and Dr. Budge of the British Museum, for their kindness in allow- ing me to make copies of the several wands under their charge; while the like thanks are due to Lady William Cecil, Prof. Petrie, Mr. Hilton Price, and Mr. W. L. Nash, for communicating to me others from their collections. I have only heard of three besides these here given,''*' all which I hope to publish in a. later paper. If, in the meantime, any reader can give me indications of any fresh ones, I shall be much obliged. •"' Quibell, 2'ltc J\aiiicssctiiii, PI. Ill, figs. I, 2, 3. £^©^3^ 152 PLATE I. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Aich., .lA?r, 1905. PLATE II. Picc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1905. PLATE III. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1905. Pioc. Soc, Bihl. Ar,h., May, 1905. Piec. Sot. HihI. Ar.h., Mar, 1905. r PLATE V. Proc. Soi. Blbl. Anil., May, 1905. PLATI a to-ff^ PLATE \'II. Proc. Soc. Bib/. Arch., Afar, 1905. PLATE VIII. Proc. Soc. Bill/. A)ih., May, 1905. BERLIN 12611. Fig. 12. "^i CAIRO 9438. Fig. 13- LOUVRE. Fig. 22. u,.. W. L. NASH'S COLLECTION. Fig. 30. PLATE IX. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Air/i., May, 1905. PLATE X. Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., May, 1905. PLATE XI. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Atch., May, 1905. PLATE XII. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arc/i., May, 1905. BRITISH MUSEUM 20778. Fig. 27. PROK. PETRIE'S COLLECTION. Fig- 31- PLATE XIII. Proc. Soc. Bthl. Arch., May, 1905. Proc. Sor. Bihl. Arch., I\fay, 1905. ASWAN. LADV \V. CECIL'S COLLECTION. From a drawing by ihe Hon. Margaret Amhi Fig. 23. I'Uul. I'KTklES COLLECTION. Fig. 32. PLATE XV. Proc. Soi. Bibl. Arch., May., 1905. Fig- 35- B.M. B.M. 38190 B.M. Fig. 36. B.M. 17078, PLATE XVI. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1905. Fig- 39- BERLIN 8176. Fig. 40. PLATE XVII. Proc. Soc. Bill. Arch., May, 1905. PROF. PETRIE'S COLLECTION. Fig- 43- PROF. PETRIE'S COLLECTION. Fig. 42. PROF. PETRIE'S COLLECTION. Fig. 44. BERLIN 6714. Fig. 41. CAIRO 9439. Fig. 29. May io] A ROCK-CUT HIMYARITIC INSCRIPTION. [1905. A ROCK-CUT HIMYARITIC INSCRIPTION ON JABAL JEHAF, IN THE ADEN HINTER-LAND. By G. U. Yule, Likut., R.E. In August, 1904, I received orders to join the Aden Column, a force rendered necessary by the attitude of the Turks with regard to the Aden Boundary Limitation Commission. The main routes into the interior are shown on the annexed sketch-map (Plate I), which however must be regarded as only approximately accurate, as it is taken from the " pockethandkerchief " map supplied by the Govern- ment. My route, which, for political reasons, is the one used by troops, lies immediately to the east of La Hej. As this is by no means the best route, the usual Caravan road via La Hej will be described. The journey really begins at La Hej, 28 miles from Aden. From Aden to Shi^kh Othman (10 miles) there is a metalled road, and one can drive out. From Shekh Othman to La Hej (18 miles) the journey is by camels across the desert. From La Hej to NoRAT Dakin is a wearisome journey without water, 20 miles over sand and low scrub. Nobat Dakin is a collection of two Dars, or towers, on the banks of the Wadi Tiban, in which for the first, and last, time running water was seen. It is a very un- healthy spot, and it is better to go on for another two miles and dig a water-hole in the Salah Bileh. Here begin the hills, which are very precipitous limestone ridges, running N.W. and S.E., and are covered with thorn bushes. From here the road lies in shingly river beds, along which camels are the only animals that can travel. Nobat to El Mileh. There is a water-hole about half way, which has to be dug out. El Mileh is a collection of mud-huts in the middle of a little cultivation. El Mileh to Sulek is good travelling, the road going over plains and low hills. Jimil hill, which lies between the two places, is interesting, as on it there are several Himyaritic (?) tanks, roughly circular, from five to 15 yards across, made like the Aden tanks. There are several ruins in the vicinity. 153 ^i May io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY [1905. SuLEK to Dtkala is usually done in one march. The road lies entirely in river beds. At H.\rdaba the mountains begin, and the road winds among the foot-hills, which rise 400 feet straight up. A cross section of these mountains would be like this sketch. These ridges get higher ar.d higher as one goes north, till the snow line is reached in Turkish territory. Dthala is on a platform which is ascended by several passes. The one most used is the Kliiireba, which is paved, and is said to be Himyaritic. From the Dthala plateau the mountain mass of Jabal Jehaf rises abruptly some 2,500 feet. One of the north-eastern spurs of this mountain terminates in three small peaks, which are easily identified by a white mosque half-way down the slope, which forms a conspicuous landmark. Cut on the side of a cliff, on the North side of the centre one of these peaks, I found the Himyarite In- scription here shown. In addition to the small photo- graph, I took an accurate tracing of the Inscription, which is reproduced, slightly reduced in size, on Plate II. There are traces of an old road to the top of this spur, with the foundation stones of one or two buildings, not sufficient to show what sort of dwellings they were. About four miles off is an old zig-zag road up the Khureba Pass, which is said to be Himyaritic. About ten miles east of Hardap.a is a Himyaritic tower, but at present it is as much as one's life is worth to go without a strong escort. 154 «. 0: . i ^ U)„. 0) !1 J T3 s < i S 0 -5 UJ r 11 -J < ■c -^ 0 < in _i ,t. ^ E ■?■? c 0 «j i -^ r =:3 .c^ir^c ^^1 wc 2 fOi t^ 3- 1 — 3 Xy=?^ Lr C :> (=5 :May io] a rock-cut HIMVARITIC inscription. [1905. I do not suppose that anyone will ever be able to get up here again. At present it would not be allowed, and when the troops are withdrawn the Arabs are sure to have a row. Thus I have taken my readers from my starting point at La Hej to the place where I found this Himyaritic monument. The transla- tion of the Inscription I must leave to others. NINA AND NINEVEH. BY T. G. Pinches, LL.D. {See ''Proceedings," V^l. XXVII, p. 78, Mr. Harding Smitli's Tablet, Col. I, division i.) The tablet 47760.1 {Cuneifot-m Texts from Babylonian Tablets, part 12, pi. 15), 1. 22, gives the pronunciation of ^ as tar in Sumero- Akkadian, and ziqtu in Semitic Babylonian, when used as the name of a fish. According to Delitzsch i^HandivdrferbucJi), ziqtu means " thorn," " spur," and " sting " (of a scorpion). ^ ^•^ {tar, with the determinative suffix for '■ fish ") should therefore _me:.n " the thorn-fish," probably so called from the spines with which it was armed. ^ Found by Rassam at Borsippa in 1882. 155 May io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. The next Meeting of the Society will be held on Wednesday, June 14th, 1905, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will be read : — Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. {President) : " Hittite History and Religion, with translations of the more important inscriptions." H 156 PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1905. Fifth Meeting, June i/^t/i, 1905. Prof. A. H. SAYCE, B.D., cjr. {President), IN THE CHAIR. -<9v^- [No. ccv.] 157 June 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1905. DONATION FUND. The following Subscription has been received : — £ s. d. F. G. Hilton Price, Esq., Dir.S.A. ... 5 o o The following gifts to the Library were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donor : — From the Author, G. Legrain. — " Renseignements sur les Dernieres Decouvertes faites a Karnak." „ „ „ " Rapport sur les Travaux executes a Karnak du 28^'"^ Sept., 1903, au d^''"'^ Juillet, 1904." The Secretary announced that the Council had elected as an Honorary Member, His Excellency Hamdi-Bey, Director of the Imperial Museum at Constantinople. Messrs. C. F. Beyts, Farshut, Egypt ; J. Fleming, Mann- heim, Germany ; W. W. Astor, Clieveden, Taplow, Bucks. ; J. N. Das, Khulna, Bengal, were elected Members of the Society. The following Paper was read : — Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. {Fresident) : "Hittite History and Religion, with translations of the more important inscrip- tions." The subject was discussed by Dr. Pinches, Mr. Rylands, and Mr. Rouse. Thanks were returned for this communication. 158 June 14] GREEK MUMMV-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. • [1905. GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. By H. R. Hall, J/.A. (^Conti)iued from page 122. Gr.eco-Egyptl\n ?^Iummy-Labels. 53. One handle, perforated. 7" x 3". A/J/TOAT/Jft TllCV o Km Taeovo/Baif " Harpokration, also called Taeouobsis, farewell Trteoi-o/io-f?: misread by Le Blant (No. 87) TcicoviBacf. [Spiegkl- BERG, retaining Le Blant's erroneous reading of this tessera, explains the name Ta6oy/3o-/9 {sic) as Copt. T"oe + onfCoE.Clj, -'Weisser Fleck," "Whitespot." The correct reading shows that this explanation is probably right.] [No. 9S94.] The following labels appear to be somewhat later in date than the foregoing : — 54. One perforation. 5" x 2^". ^CVOaifJl^ TTfJCffjSvT ApOVUU}(ppl09 Lice " Psenosiris the elder, (son) of Haronnophris. 25 years (old)." Florid hand. IVth Cent. [No. 24481.] Afjoi'i/wcppti- = Het u-Unnefer, 55. One handle, perforated. A thick and clumsy piece of wood. 6" X I It". Kf( \/\.(/U((;i^(9 Ereovpiov " Kallimachis wife of Onnophris (son) of Eteourios (?)." 159 N 2 June 14] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1905. ETeov/)tov(?) is uncertain : it may be Evovp'/ov " (son) of Enourgos," a purely Greek name, but unknown to Pape's dictionary of names. [No. 20795.] 56. As 55. 4^" X if". AiBv/i(ov lc/3«fc"ov 7rpi-rTJ-i{inei)ov) Kpovpio^ jiiivaav 70 f La:"/ "Of Didymos (son) of Hierax the elder, (son) of Krouris: wlio lived 23 years." The formula is unusual. [No. 24478.] 57. As. 55. 61" X 2i". HpaicXetov jiiijTpo^ Apre piTO^ " Sentabes daughter of Herakleios (and of her) mother Artemis." 26i'T«/3e9 = ^^^^ "^"^JP^^ T-s{r)ef-;i-Ta-Bes, " The child of Her who belongs to Bes." Florid hand. IVth Cent. [No. 20803.] 58. As 55. 4" X 2". Red ink. Avptj\lO'>- ^GJ-'T« ante ^iijTtjp Tai'w e/Suiffcv (s!c) Tji' Ci"' " Aurelius Psentasaie (?). (His) mother (was) Tano. He lived 12 (years). Year 10." A confused formula : the above translation gives what was apparently meant by the writer. The name '^ei'Taermc probably = D % /vww^ ^ ^ S Y '44 ^ P-s{r)e-/i-fa-/icsif, " The Child of the (f.) Singer' (or " Praiser "), i.e., a priestess {cf. No. 52 a/ite). The use of the name Aurelius dates this label to after 212 a.d., in which year the " Constitutio Antonina " permitted the general use of the 160 June 14] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. name, in granting Roman citizenship to all the world, so that the "Year 10" is possibly of Alexander Severus, i.e., a.d. 231, or of a later emperor. [No. 23216.] 59. As 55. 5" X 2". Cursive. Ilird Cent. Kpai/JtW9 yK//T(/309) T(T>yTO* €7tvv eTToitjaas lO . Ln . . rirt^^a'i' sic • " Tamythes (the younger ?), to (sic) the daughter of Peseiris son ofKrairis(?) (and of his) mother Titet ; who lived 18 years. Year i (?) . . 22nd Pakhon." The script of this label is a late cursive, probably of the fourth century a.d., and the Greek is bad. The undecipherable signs in 1. 3 may perhaps read ? L Avp, i.e., " 6th year of Aur(elius), But this reading is very doubtful. TajuvOif^^ Ta-Mut, "She who belongs to Mut ; " Weaenwi = " He who belongs to Osiris " ; with Kpatfiti(?) if. Kpov/jti- (No. 56, above). T(t/;t may be "She who belongs to Thoth." eTronjaa? for e(3iw(Tev is curious. [No. 24451.] 60, As 55. 4^" X if". Careful Uncial. Illrd Cent., or later. Very faint n€T€TPIl[C] VIOCCWKP^TOVC JUlHTPOCT<1)OOV CM + IOC€BIU)C€N€ TC0N€IKOCI " Petetriphis, son of Sokrates (and of his) mother Tphoousaipsis (?) he lived t^\ enty years." For the name neTeTpi(ptv, v. No. 38, above. T({)oovaui\lriv, if a single name (or 1(poov ^ai\p-io^ if two names), is apparently compounded with the name of the deity Shai, v. No. 33 above. The element Tcpoov — is the same as the name T0oys- = ^%. § ^^^11111 J) (B.M. coffin No. 6704), "the snake." The name is then either Ta-hefi-Shai-p-si, Shai-p-s, " she who belongs to the snake the son of Shai," or else Takefit (" the snake ") or Tn-phefi (" she who belongs to the snake "), daughter of Shaipsi. 161 June 14] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.T.OLOGY. [1905. This label is interesting on account of the peculiar character of the faint uncial writing which it bears. [No, 24501.] The formulae of the following labels mention the trade or occupation of the deceased or of his relatives : — 61. As 55. 3V' X iV'. TCKTIOI' CjSllC (Ter l^KU " Phemaiti son of Besis, carpenter : lived 21 years." [No. 23181.] 62. As 55. 4f" X i^". Rough. Ilnd Cent. AttoWwvio^ V109 AttoWw VIOV no//(61'09 " Apollonios son of Apollonios the shepherd. [No. 24457.] 63. As 55. s\" ^ if- Ilird Cent. AttoWwi' rewTC/wf v'io9 TlaTij ufi-OKoTrov " Apollon the younger, son of Pate : baker." [No. 24533.] 64. As 55. 45" X i^." Cursive. Ilnd Cent. Obv. QeoCwpu llwtTeaeipi^ '^evoaeipto^ "^evevovTTio^ oiKocofiio /oy ' Qeocw pa^ (iTTo '^wt'cw? eTwj' ei'CeKa The Rev. is partly broken away, but corresponds with the Obv. with the exception that cncu cvcek-a is replaced by Liu. "Theodora Poiteseiris (?) (daughter) of Psenoseiris (son) of Psene- noupis the builder (and of her) mother Theodora. From Psonis. Eleven years (old)." The reading UwiTeffcipif is doubtful. The word may be a form of ncToffipis; "the Gift of Osiris." ^'""'o^~'^ = J^^*^ ^ 162 PLATE. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1905. 61, ^6'M/-i7ilihClOC- c6H LAC^ II-III Century a.d. 30. O gHCIc II-III Century a.d. 57. III Century a.d. 66. 0]J Hc4fic <-c^^ e^\^^iyK Ill Century a.d. MUMMY-LABELS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. f size of the originals. The Nos. are those mentioned in the text. June 14] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. Pa-s{r)e-n-Amipe, " the Child of Anubis." From Psonis 1 D came a great many of the people whose names are com- memorated on these labels : cf. Krebs, 82, 83 (Berlin, 10564, 10562). The British Museum possesses sixteen bilingual labels bearing the subscription airo ^awca's?. The demotic equivalent of this phrase is. ^) . ^ n ^ ri;. _ ^;. , p-rom-n-Psdne ^"^P^^-^^jj^- M. Revillout (op. cit., No. 25), not having any bilingual or Greek labels airo -^wrewi before him, has identified Pasunau (Psone) v/ith Syene. Ps5nis, like Bompae (see No. 50, above), was no doubt in the immediate neighbourhood of Panopolis (Akhmim). [No. 24552.] 65. As 55. 4^" X i|". Late Ilnd Cent. lepa^ le/JMA-os 'ia Tpo'i jiUjTpo'i 'Yuan Tp>JTO<} " Hierax son of Hierax, physician : (son of his) mother Tasais the elder (-pca/SvTepijs), (daughter) of Psensenphatres." Such names as Hierax, Hierakion, HierakapoUon, Hierakiaina (cf. Nos. 42, 56) were naturally common in Egypt, where the hawk was so universally reverenced as the emblem of Horus, who had by the Ilnd Cent. a.d. become absolutely identified with Apollo. The name was well known in Christian days, and finally dies out in the debased form iepp is "the son of the son of the Twin." [No. 24524.], 66. As 55. 4^" X li". Florid semi-cursive hand. IVth Cent. Opuw(ppt9 109 ejwv eiKoai eina Ov^j(n\_i]pj B)]Gio'i 'iepeio-g " Ornophris, about twenty-seven years (old), daughter of Besis^ priest." The name Opvw(^pif is probably the ancient [1 \\ T J| Arit-iwfrit, " beautiful companion." The phrase w^ etwv k.t.X. is not uncommon. [No. 23193.] 163 June 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1905. The two following labels bear a direction for the transport of the mummy to another locality for burial : cf. Le Blant, 46, 54, 56, 67, 74 ; Krebs, 33, 34 ; Wessely, 5. 67. Two handles, perforated. 45'' x 3". "S-evcfjaTpij^ KXe OTraTpn^ A/o7ro\< T>;9 6/v Tov(piov "Senphatres son of Kleopatra, Theban, to Touphion." Le BlanTj 93. Touphion was the Egyptian B^ T'rf, or B? T'r-iet. the modern j»l? Tud. on the east bank of the Nile opposite Erment. [No. 29531.] 68. One handle, four perforations. 6" x 2". 29513 E/9 Ep/nov9iv 7a(ptj \7ro\\(V9 veoTcpwi viofp A/j.7ro\ov, iva Coi Ta pefi(jii aie\(jiij T//9 f.iippo'i uvtov e-)(ofieva \aihi tov Y\i\(ik o~ov o Orjffuvpoi 1. 2. veo-cpov (^sic). 1. 3. coi {sic). " To Hermonthis : funeral of Apollos the younger, son of Sen- petearoueri daughter of Anipolos, to be given to Taremphi, sister of his mother, who belongs to Isis of Pilak where is the treasure." Both spelling and grammar are ignored in the pidjin-Greek of this label : its sense, however, appears to be as above. '^ev-c7c,tpovt}pi 164 June 14] GREEK MUMMY-LABELS IN BRITISH MUSEUM. [1905. '-vwv^ ° ^^^V?)' "^^^ daughter of 'The Gift of the Elder Horus.' " A/uvruXov is probably Greek : WfnreXivi', AfiTreXioi; were good Greek names : possibly this is a mis-spelling of 'A/t7re'\o9, which however, is not found in Pape '^^ ^^g ^ proper name, or of AttoXXivp. Tape/ii(pi is probably ^^^ D -I ci jJ Tarenpit, " the blooming " [or, "She who belongs to the goddess Renpit," see note 21]. WiXciK — Philffi, the Coptic niXA.K^, jl', the lak Rdy^ The real etymology of the element iak is unknown. To find it written n(\nA:>"^ in a Greek inscription, instead of 'PArn, is interesting : often the writers of these labels seem to find themselves on the point of writing down their Egyptian thoughts in Greek letters, instead of translating them into the official language of the time, oirov o e,jaau/jo'i, " of Philte, where the treasure is." The "treasure " is the priestly treasure-house of Philre, where the sacerdotal tithes were collected by the TeXwvai etjaavpou lepwi' {cf. WiLCKEN, Ostraka, p. 615). The inscription of this label is very full, and is probably one of the most lengthy yet found : the writing is not, however, very good, and appears to date it not earlier than the beginning of the Ilird Cent a.d. [No. 29513.] ^- Pape and Benseler, Wdrtei-buch dcr griechischen Eigcnnamen. ^^ Brugsch, D. G., p. W^ ^ © © £^ (^ Brugsch, D. G., p. 1246 : M-^ ^^^^ '^^^ ^^ ^ „ I I heper-s liri-Mt t'r lak Rd, kaitt Aa-\2k-t r nut tn hr-s, "as it had existed aforetime since the time of Ra, the name ' Isle of Time'' was given to this town on this account." L., D., iv, 82 c. '^^ With a redundant Greek article agreeing with the masculine gender of the Egyptian word, which has already its article : so we talk of the ^/hambra, the " Morgenbladd'/," forgetting that the Al- of the Arabic word, and the -et of the Danish word, signify the. 165 JuNi; 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.*;OLOGV. [1905. I.— A COPTIC RECIPE FOR THE PREPARATION OF PARCHMENT, II.— A USE OF THE TERM "CATHOLIC CHURCH." By W. E. Crum. The methods by which skins were prepared for the scribe's use can be gathered from casual references in classical authors and from various instructions left us by monkish writers of the Middle Ages. But, so far as I have been able to learn, no specific treatise on the matter is now known, either in Greek or Latin. ^ The remnants therefore of a relatively early Coptic recipe, which, from the number and peculiarity of its Greek words,- we may assume to be as usual but a translation, would be of no little interest — were it but intel- ligible. As it is, the following fragment offers a text as difficult of exact translation as any known to me. Scarcely a line is intact and most words of importance are either imperfect in form or obscure in meaning. The MS., now in the Phillipps' collection,^ consists of two leaves of papyrus, about 18x14 cm. each, and paged r-r. The script is a square, upright uncial, with angular a, u,T, dating perhaps from the 6th or 7th century. The idiom is a pure Sa'idic, the only usage calling for note being that of the subjunctive after Xo/77-o'j', in an imperative or future sense. '^ Although the word parchment does not occur, it is not, I think, doubtful what material is treated of. The pumice-stone"' and white- ^ See the palaeographical handbooks of Birt, \Yattenbach and Gardthausen and Paoli with the references they give (especially A', bayr. Akad., hist. KL, Abh. XII. 20, 21, 26). I may add that I have also enquired of several eminent paleographers, but in vain. - Moreover several are accented, an occurrence almost unique in Coptic texts. ^ I have to thank Mr. Fitzroy Fenwick for kindly agreeing to its publication. ■• In Mingarelli, Codd. Rcl. CLVI, the meaning is different, if indeed that be subjunctive and not imperfect. Subjunctive is occasionally used thus after UllllCUiC. ^ Cf. Brit. Mus. Catal. no. 550 (Or. 4720, iS), a letter on parchment from one monk to another, asking for the favour of ' a little l\(:d.\(;, as a brother is writing a few parchments.' 166 June 14] A come RECIPE. [1905- lead and the word oVAii^AAp (p. 5) would not apply to papyrus.^ There is, however, a difficulty in the gender of this material. The Copts adopted /ncjujiimvov, not /ue/nli/nhm, for 'parchment'^ and treated it of course as masculine. Their own word ^^AAp is also masculine. The feminine pronoun, here exclusively used, might, it is true, in accordance with regular usage, represent the neuter ' it.' There is still more obscurity both as to the details of the pro- cesses recommended and as to their purpose. That the parchment has been already prepared seems clear : its primary preparation^ would surely involve the words for 'lime' or 'chalk.' The six conditions successively prescribed for appear all to be undesirable and to require remedy. As to § II, Professor Ferguson of Glasgow (whose familiarity with mediaeval chemistry suggested an appeal to him) observes that vitriol or alum (anciently, it seems, synonyms) with white-lead would give an iron oxide with a yellowish hue. The iron, he conjectures, ^m'g'/ii help the ink, the white-lead might help to fix the writing. I can see no reference to palimpsests, unless it be in § IV. p. r jiiw6TepHv . Aoinoii kjrqOTC lll'OA2G • IIA A|]m AG 011^ HK^AIIIIAV epOC GCJbOGT. OKIIAAeAII THJpiO IIIIOC lll'CAec . ej^torie ovt;? (3oo Fi.vkg AJKG • H 10 eC^AiytU.V GK GOO]tU, XGGIIAntOU)IIG, [gk]iia2CG tkgciag, gt [0"0]ll, GliOA ?I:A]eG UOVKOVI, II (Margin.) Dziatzko indeed, Untersiuhungen 121, 122, thought it not certain that the pumice was never applied to papyrus. 7 MGBpAIIOII, IIGBpi, Rec. XI. 132, IIGLIBpAIIOII, Triadon ed. von Lemm § 685, Brit. iMus. Catal. no. 550, I.IGqp(C)ll, Crum, Copt. iMSS. p. 61. ^ Perhaps described on pp. i, 2, now lost. 3 OM added above. 1" As in Zoega, Tab. Ill, no. XII and Revillout, Ades \i„ 51, &c., the cross represents ■■ or rather "*, i.e., the soft breathing. In the Can. Athanas. papyrus it has the form '' . 167 June 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. 'htiuioui 011,^^ oqni?' iT[iT] ovkotY, iioiiii (jVcth^: uijMeTHpiiv, (jvlih[|) h] o'rroGic ueiioc iiT[ci] n^oei^ iiiiArc;, •i"a[?()c] iTrqoTG iTrcAec • [(;] I — I >ytone ovcjp eco uiioiio C.VC • t3KeGH?Ct02C ^^[hu] ^HII IITKeCIAH 6t[ AOIHOII, G^-JtonH ^n\[ LOtitij (iKIIA'l* GOpn epoo nc)Tii? uiioT KOVI U'l't3Uin(H (i'f[ uTiiieTepnv, (:VO'i[i- evLiHp, iiovToeic[-] Amoii (3p^AiinuHA[A no] p^ eUOA eitDtUG (Margin.) p. 7 ilTGneq^oGi^ ta 20C IJI'GOUq KAAtOG eunGKTHHBe, g2o[vii] (jpOG • IIAAIII oil, [gK^AIJ] AUA2TC; uiiKA^y nq G^O^'JT ll(|TUUOOiy[G] [1905- p. G TTcincocoiiG, gkiiagg r(| OVTATIA(- UUOT tl ]tII,1'^ G^.inUGAA (JTeU [n]l>IKIOII, UrGA?G'OTK GTI (niGIIAntOCOIIG All HG : GjytoriG otg? [(■]G() IIOTAII^AAp, 6KMA [eJOKG KAAtOC MTKGGI [ag]| GTIXIAXtO HrGA2C 10. [?II0]VKA^ GqrioK • [(j]^COn(5 OVG? GGGACJO' [aJcOO- • GKIIA2ITG 11 [t]kGGIAG (JTO'OII. Aomo [Mjro-Ga: ovkovi u+g [uioJgi uruopq novTo [(HG] lTT'TAAT(i (]pOG . (Margin.) IIGAOII (;KGGC;?CtO 2C IIOVTAO' IIO\pV iTrGoiTq kaacog g2[otki] 10. GpOG UrGA2G : G^COHG OVG;? C;GAOXr GKIIAK(:CIAG; UUO[g m] TGTtroii iTrfTiqoT[G] ^OAtOG • AAAA lll'KA MIlOV IIKG(;iA(;l ^[ICO] tOG, TrrA(iAiriMp[iG] (Margin.) *' Divide thus on account of the form of the word lower down. 12 p GVO'll[3:]. '■' ? Olill. 168 June 14] A COPTIC RECIPE. [1905. P. 3. ] together. Then (\017r6i') you shall wipe it and write on it. Again (TrdXiu te) too when you see that it is shrivelled^^ you shall polish (\cai'TtjpiXeti'?y-' it and write on it. (II) If it be one that is all in wrinkles^'' (?) or (?/) that is . . . , i" you know that it will change^'' (?) : you shall merelyi'^ (?) place (?) the soft(?) pumice (ki'}'dos, No. 605. 174 PLATE I. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1905. GENERAL VIEW OF THE TWO TEMPLES. «--•'■'*■.. .^■*'i^,.* ' '^'T COMMENCEMENT OF EXCAVATION OF THE TEMPLE PLATFORM. THE XlTH DYNASTY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAHARI. June 14] XI fh DYNASTY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAHARI. [1905. , "the pyramid-tomb of King Neb-hapet-Ra (life, wealth. health !), Son of the Sun, Mentuhetep (life, wealth, health !), which is in Tjesret : it was intact." {TJesret, "the Holy Place," is Deir el-Bahari, and the two temples side by side seem to have been some- times known as Tjeserti, "the Two Holy Places.") The ancient literary evidence speaks then unequivocally of a pyramid in connection with this actual building which we are excavating : there is no room for any pyramid in Tjesret apart from Akh-Asut, which, as we have seen, is in one case determined in the hieroglyphs by a pyramid. Now the central feature of Akh-Asut, as far as we have excavated it, is a square erection, which I believe to be the base of this pyramid. The two temples stand side by side. That of Mentuhetep was built in the centre of the strongly-marked depression in the cliff-face which is the chief feature of the southern half of the circus of Deir el-Bahari. That of Hatshepsu, in order to avoid the older temple, had to be crammed up against the straight cliff-face of the northern half, instead of being placed in the centre of the circus, as would no doubt have been done had the southern half been free. As it was, the Hathor-shrine was built up against the rock on the top of an Xlth Dynasty masking-wall, which was partially destroyed to make way for it. The main plan of both temples is marked by the same feature of platforms approached by ramps which are flanked by colonnades.. The platforms and ramps were necessitated by the position : we find a somewhat similar arrangement of platforms in the small temple of Aahmes I at Abydos, excavated by Mr. Currelly for the Egypt Exploration Fund in 1903, which is similarly reared up against a cliff-face. But at Abydos were neither ramps nor colonnades, as far as can be seen, and it seems to me to be very probable (though in an architectural matter of this kind I speak with diffidence) that these features in the Temple of Hatshepsut were copied from the cor- responding features in the thousand-years' older Temple of Mentu- hetep, which the XVHIth dynasty architects found already in occupation of the best part of Deir el-Bahari. Senmut had to 175 o 2 June 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGY. [1905. make his temple climb up the rocky foot-slope to the cliffs in which the speos-sanctuaries were to be excavated, and he imitated the design of the Xlth dynasty architect which he saw before him, but on a grander scale. For the main fact in favour of this view is found in the colonnades which flank the ramps on either side and mask the rock-platforms. Ramps or steps would have been necessary in any case : it is in the colonnades that, if I may so express it, the unnecessarx similarity of the two designs comes in. Mentuhetep's architect flanked his ramp by colonnades of square pillars, with walls, decorated with reliefs, to mark the side of his platform. Senmut, though under no necessity of so doing, did exactly the same thing, only on a much larger scale, and twice over : the Xlth dynasty temple has only one platform and ramp with colonnades ; the XVIIIth dynasty temple two platforms and ramps, and four colonnades. The general details of the colonnades are the same in both temples. The number of the pillars and their actual decoration is different ; but their shape and arrangement is the same, and the wall masking the platforms is in both cases sculptured with reliefs, and has the same batter or slope in both. So that it seems to me that as far as the colonnades flanking the ramps are concerned, Hatshepsu's architects copied the older temple which lay immediately before their eyes. But they copied this part of the design only : when we get on to the final platforms, the temples appear to have been as different as any two temples could possibly be. That of Hatshepsu has an open court in front of the rock-cut shrines, v.-ith the subsidiary halls on either hand ; that of Mentuhetep had a square pyramid surrounded by a colonnade. This feature of the older temple Hatshepsu's architects had no need to copy, but the older design of the masking of the platform-face by colonades on either side of a central ramp they saw was good and imposing, and they adopted it with splendid results. It is when w'e get to the final platforms (the only platform in the older case) that divergence between the two temples begins. From the foregoing it will have been gathered that the newly- discovered temple stands upon a rocky platform, which is approached from the ground-level on the East by a ramp flanked by colonnades of the same type as those in the great temple, and that in the centre of this platform stood a pyramid raised upon a square base, which was surrounded by a colonnade of eight-sided pillars. The platform is artificially squared on all three sides ; it is 15 to 18 feet in height. As far as it has been excavated, it is 130 feet 176 PLATE II. Pioc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, m. :,. GRANITE THkESHOLL) AND OCTAGONAL PILLARS. I'LATKORM AND PYRAMID-BASE. THE XlTH DYx\ASTY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAIIARI. June 14] XIth DYNASTY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAHARI. [1905. long (East to West) by about 150 feet broad. An open court, 60 feet across, separates it from the Hathor-shrine of the great temple. The rock-face of the platform was masked towards the court by a wall of magnificent limestone blocks, finely cut and jointed, of which considerable portions remain in position. Some of the blocks measure 6 feet by 3 feet 6 inches ; they are laid in bonded courses, broad and narrow alternately. At the Western end of the court a similar wall masks the face of the cliff-slope, joining the platform- wall at a sharp angle, which the workmen compared to the bows of a boat ("ze wahid dahabiya"). This wall, part of which is perfect, with its rounded coping stones (another little detail imitated — on a smaller scale this time — in the great temple) in place, runs North-East to the Hathor-shrine, and passes away under it : the Hathor-shrine was, as has been said, built over it. The court contained some XIth dynasty tombs and a curious little erection of brick, which was probably the hut of a watchman or ghaf'ir set to guard the tombs. The East boundary of the court is marked by an XVHIth dynasty wall (broken down in the centre), which connects the two temples. Immediately East and South of this boundary wall is the North lower colonnade of the Mentuhetep temple, masking the Northern half of the artificially squared East face of the platform. It has two rows each of thirteen pillars (originally 11 or 12 feet high), every one inscribed alternately with the throne-name 4^^ ( O "'^^ and the personal name "^x! ( ^^^^ \^ """" j of king Mentuhetep. The throne name has hitherto been read Neb-kheru-Ra, but we have in the ruins found the throne-name of a king Mentuhetep spelt O ^:3^ '^ Neb-hapet-Ra, and Mr. Griffith has suggested to me (and I think he is right) that these names are really one and the same, the second being a variant spelling of the first, and both reading Neb-hapet-Ra, the I of the first being in reality not the ' voice '-sign M^r«, but the 'oar '-sign, which has the same value as the mason's square "^j hapet. This suggestion is confirmed by instances found in the temple of the name being spelt O v_^ \ , which must be Neb-//a/e'/-Ra, as the would be meaningless were 177 June 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGV. [1905. the word really kheru : the same spelling is found in the Abbott Papyrus Report about the condition of the tomb. The South colonnade is similar to the Northern one, but is not in such good preservation. A Southern court exists beyond this to the South of the platform and is bounded by a similar wall. The general temenos wall of the temple outside the courts, ramp, and colonnades has been traced by Mr. Ayrton. The ramp leads up to the threshold of the East door of the temple on the platform. This threshold is of finely polished granite blocks, resting on sandstone foundations, and measures 9 feet by 5 feet. It admits immediately into the colonnade of octagonal pillars already mentioned which surround the central pyramid. The pillars are small and thin, and the intercoluminations are very narrow, measuring only 7 feet from centre to centre of the bases. Each is inscribed with Mentuhetep's name. There are three rows of these pillars on each side of the pyramid. This pyramid, if it is a pyramid, is the salient feature of the temple, and measures 60 feet square. What remains now is the core of its base, built of heavy flint nodules from the hills, the lower courses of the fine white limestone facing are extant at the North-Western corner only. The lacing had a slight batter ; at the corners were the usual Egyptian torus, and several fragments of the cavetto cornice of the usual type have been found. That is to say, the erection was pyloniform. This pylon-like erection I believe to have been the base of the pyramid of Akh-asut ^^ M ' /\ • '^^^^ excavations are not yet completed, and we may yet find another building which may have a better claim to be the actual pyramid, but there seems no room for a building of any size between the present Western limit of the excavations and the cliff. However, the finds up to the present have been so unexpected, that it is as well not to be too positive in advance. All that can be said is that there was a pyramid here, and that, as far as we can tell at present, this central erection seems to be it. As however no trace of the pyramidal upper works has actually been found, it has been suggested that it may have been a great altar, like that found by Prof. Naville in the great temple, but on a far larger scale. But against this is the fact that there is no ramp or steps leading up to its summit from the platforms, as there would have to be were it an altar. That it was an erection surmounted 178 PLATE III. Proc. Soc. Bib/. Arch., June, 1905. NORTHERN LOWER COLONNADE. COLONNADE PILLAR VVMH NAME OK NEB-HAPET-RA. THE XlTH DYNASTY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAIIARI. June 14] XIth DYNASTY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAHARI. [1905- by an obelisk, like that in the Vth Dynasty Temple of the Sun at Abu Ghuraib, near Abusir, is entirely improbable. Ra was not specially venerated at Thebes or by this dynasty, nor would such an erection have anything to do with a funerary temple, whereas a pyramid would be entirely appropriate to such. It seems then to be a justifiable conclusion that what we have found is the base of a pyramidal erection, like the tomb-chapels depicted in the Book of the Dead and evidently characteristic of the Theban necropolis, which are pyloniform, with a pyramid above them {cf. Perrot-Chipiez, Hist, de VArt, i (Egypte), figs. 187-190. Fig. 188 especially, with its detached door in front, shows what the central erection of the temple probably looked like when complete). In connection with this, Mr. Somers Clarke has made an interesting suggestion. He thinks that it is possible that the original of the pyramidal tomb-chapel depicted in the well-known vignette in the Book of the Dead of the Hathor-cow coming out of the Western Mountain, was very probably this very pyramid at Deir el-Bahari, which is especially connected with Hathor-worship (the goddess was venerated in this actual temple) ; the hills of the vignette will then be intended for the cliffs of Deir el-Bahari. The North-East corner of the pyramid-base was found at the close of the first season's excavations. It seemed to me then to be in all probability the corner of the pyramid which ought to exist in Akh-asut. On recommencing work in the second season (October, 1904), I set the men at once to clear it and the colonnades surrounding it. The work was not completed when I had to return to England, my two months' leave from the British Museum having nearly expired. Mr. Ayrton finished the clearance of the fourth (Western) side, which showed that it was neither a second platform nor an altar, and removed the rubbish from the top. When Prof. Naville arrived, in February, the interior of the erection was excavated, in the hope of reaching the royal tomb, but no trace of a tomb was found, the rock in the centre being covered by a square pavement of what Dr. Schweinfurth pronounced to be blocks of a form of rock- salt. This is a very curious feature. The apparent absence of a tomb raises a very interesting possibility. Does the pyramid, if it is a pyramid, cover the actual burial-place of Mentuhetep at all ? Is it not more probable that the king was actually buried in a rock-tomb in the vicinity, the central erection of the funerary temple being not a real pyramid in which 179 June 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1905. the king was buried, but a sham pyramid put up partly to mislead later tomb-robbers,~ partly as an architectural feature of the temple ? In the old days at Abusir the kings had been buried in actual pyramids, in front of which small funerary temples were erected in their honour. Here at Deir el-Bahari, under the Xlth dynasty, we find a pyramid, beneath which the king was probably not buried at all, in the midst of the funerary temple, which is now larger than the pyramid, and has surrounded it on all sides. Does it not seem probable that this sham pyramid is a mere reminiscence of the funerary architecture of former days, and that the real burial-place of king Mentuhetep was a rock-tomb ? Tlie pyramid has shrunk, become atrophied, and a mere architectural survival in the midst of the temple ; the real tomb being elsewhere. It is at least possible that the real tomb of the king may lie in the cliff at the back of the temple. It is probably not the Bab el Hosa/i, the royal tomb of the Xlth dynasty, which was excavated by I\Ir. Carter in 1899-', as the only fragment of an inscription found in this tomb commemorates another king of the dynasty, Neb-hetep^ Mentuhetep (I, according to Prof Petrie), whose name occurs once or twice in the temple of Neb-hapet-Ra. Behind the pyramid, on the platform, is a row of shrines of priestesses of Hathor, who were buried here. Some of the tombs are immediately behind the shrines, others are in the outer colonnade of the platform, to which I shall refer presently. Behind the tombs come the present Western limit of the excavations, but the platform and pillars continue, and the boundary wall of the platform turns Westward to lead up to something at the base of the cliffs. May not this be the shrine of the king himself, and judging by the analogy of the relation of the shrines of the priestesses to their tombs, may not the real tomb of the king perhaps lie beyond this ? This question will be settled when the excavations are continued. The tombs of the priestesses lie outside the inner temple, the pyramid-base and its surrounding colonnade. This is again sur- rounded by a wall of limestone blocks, the faces of which are - We may compare the sham mastabas in front of the tomlj of Userlsen III at Abydos, which were built for this purpose (Weigai.l, Ahydos, iii, p. iS). •' Annales dii Service, ii, 201-205. " Nash, P.S.B.A., XXII, 292-3 ; Naville and Hall, E.E.F. Report, 1903 4. p. 8, note. Since writing that note I have myself seen the inscribed box at Cairo, and agree that the name is not O "^^i^ 1 , and is very probably -^^zzp ^-g . iSo June 14] XIth DYNASTY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAHARI. [1905. sculptured with reliefs, numerous fragments of which, still preserv- ing their original brilliant colour, have been found. They depict incidents of the sed-lieb festival, processions of magnates and warriors, men driving cattle, gathering reeds, and so forth. The similar reliefs of the lower colonnades on either side of the ramp represent proces- sions of boats. Those of the shrines of the priestesses represent these personages and their attendants, Hathor-cows, etc. These reliefs are of the highest interest, as they tell us more of the art of the XIth dynasty than had ever been know^n before. They vary in artistic quality, some fulfilling our traditional idea of the rude work of the XIth dynasty, while others are of very fine work, like the best Xllth dynasty. These last may well be the work of the sculptor Mertisen, who flourished in the reign of Neb-hapet-Ra, and his school. Mertisen tells us on his funerary tablet (C. 14 of the Louvre) that he knew how to depict people in motion properly, the walking of a man and the carriage of a woman, "the poising of the arm to bring the hippopotamus low, the going of the runner," etc., and that no man shared this knowledge with him but his eldest son, whose work in all kinds of stone, wood, and ivory he had seen and approved. Since Mertisen and his son were the chief artists of theii day, it seems at least probable that they were employed to decorate their king's funerary chapel, and that it is to them that we owe much of the good XIth dynasty work at Deir el-Bahari. This gives a personal interest to these reliefs which is usually lacking in Egypt, as we geneially know little or nothing of the artists who created the ancient works which we admire. The character of Mertisen's work (if it is his) is very interesting. It would seem that just as the Egyptian State owed its new centre of government, and its renascence after administrative chaos, to the Theban house of which Neb- hapet-Ra was the most prominent monarch, so Egyptian art oued its renascence to the Theban artists of his time ; and just as we see the Egyptian State in a condition of mcomplete renascence in their time, so also we see Egyptian art in a state of incomplete renascence. The high relief of some of the shrine sculptures, especially the hieroglyphs, has hitherto not been known, and is of a most remark- able style. Some of the figures and portraits are extremely good, but others show an awkwardness at which an Egyptian artist of the succeeding dynasty would have smiled, and which a sculptor of the XVIIIth dynasty would have regarded as hopelessly old-fashioned. The same old-fashioned appearance belongs to the sculpture of iS] June 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1905. the remarkable white limestone sarcophagus of the Hathor-priestess Kauit, which was found in her tomb, behind the shrines, and is now at Cairo. The cavi-rilicvi depict the bringing of offerings to Kauit, the milking of the Hathor-cows, etc. This was the most remarkable portable antiquity found, and it is unique of its kind. The remains of the similar, but unfinished, sarcophagus of another priestess, a negress named Kemsit, have been brought back to England with her mummy, the skull of which is characteristically negroid. The walls of the chamber of Kemsit's tomb were decorated with paintings, in which she appears as a black woman. The tombs had all been violated by ancient tomb-robbers, but the remains of much of the ancient tomb-furniture have been found, especially of the wooden models of boats, granaries, with work-people, etc., which were usually placed in tombs of this age, in order that they might turn into ghostly boats and men, to serve the dead in the next world. Of these the most remarkable was a model of a combined baking and brewing establishment, found last year, and now exhibited in the Fourth Egyptian Room of the British Museum, Case 188 (No. 40915). In the tombs of Kemsit and Kauit were found small model cofifins with wax figures of the dead priestesses inside them. These are probably an early form of ushabti. All these tombs are contemporary with the founding of the temple. They are excavated in the rock of the platform and court, and the pavement of the former is placed over them, being supported in one case by tree-trunks placed across the mouth of the pit. Some of them were placed not behind (Westward of) the shrines, but on the North side of the platform, outside the wall of the pyramid-hall or colonnade (the wall from which the reliefs came). Here, and on the East side of the platform as well, there are the bases of a double row of square pillars, which show that there was on the North and East sides of the temple an outer upper colonnade looking out on the North court and over the lower Eastern colonnades. This is a peculiar feature. This year's diggings have been fruitful in important later sculpture as well as the Xlth dynasty relief fragments and sarcophagi. Near the ramp were discovered sandstone Osiride figures of King Amen- hetep I, and possibly Neb-hapet-Ra, one of which, ten feet high, has been brought back to England. A fragment of an XVIIIth dynasty stela has been found on which the making of offerings to these very statues is depicted. In the South Court were found six black granite 182 June 14] XIth DYNASTY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAHARI. [1905. Statues of King Usertsen III, of the Xllth dynasty, depicting the king at different periods of his hfe, from youth to age. The portraits are executed with the care characteristic of the dynasty, and show the same type, which used to be called " Hyksos," as the portraits of Amenemhat III. It is most probable that this type is purely Egyptian and Nilotic in its origin. Another important find is an alabaster cow's head, of beautiful work, which I should ascribe to the XVIIIth dynasty. I found it a few days after beginning the work this season. Its eyes were once inlaid with lapis lazuli, and its horns and ears were probably of silver. It probably is the head of an image of the Hathor-cow preserved in Hatshepsu's temple, broken, and thrown out on to the ruined older temple, which at one time seems to have served as a dust-heap for the new one. To this fact we owe many of the small finds which characterised the first season's work. In the Hathor-shrine of the great temple Avere dedicated hundreds of little ex-votos of the fellahin pottery, incense-burners and figures of cows, little bronze plaques with incised representations of the Hathor-cow, rude figures of Hathor-priestesses, votive eyes and ears of faience for the cure of blindness and deafness, bead necklaces, scarabs, etc. When the sanctuary was too full of these things, or they were damaged and broken, the sacristans got rid of them by throwing them over the wall into the court of the XIth ■dynasty temple, which became a dust-heap. This dust-heap we cleared during the first season's work, and many of the ex-7'otos found are now exhibited in the North Gallery (Semitic Room) of the British Museum. The temple seems to have been considerably repaired by Rameses II, and by Siptah, one of the last kings of the XlXth dynasty, who cut a relief depicting himself in an attitude of prayer (to the Hathor-cow .'') on the west facing of the pyramid. To him, or to Rameses II, may be due the additional brick piers in the north lower colonnade, which were evidently placed there in order to support a falling roof. Thus it will be seen that the work at Deir el-Bahari is of a most interesting character, and has produced most important results. It is for many reasons most desirable that the excavation of this, the oldest known, Theban temple should be continued without delay or intermission, and it is to be hoped that sufficient money may be placed at the disposal of the Egypt Exploration Fund for the purpose. 183 June 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1905. HIMYARITIC OBJECTS FROM THE LOWER YAFI VALLEY. Belonging to Major Merewether, R.E, The objects shown on the accompanying Plates were found in the Lower Yafi Valley, and brought to Major Merewether, R.E., Political Agent at Aden, who kindly allows me to publish them. The drawings w-ere made by Lieut. Yule, R.E., and the position of the Lower Yafi Valley will be found on the map given with the account of his discovery of a Himyaritic Liscription (see Proceedings, XXVII, p. 154, Plate I). I hope later on to be able to give a translation of the inscriptions which appear on some of the objects. W. L. NASH. Pjp_ Plate I. I. Bronze Figure. 3- 4. Polished marble Pebble, roughly shaped like a bull's head. Pierced for suspension. 5. Bronze Signet Ring. Incised characters. 6. Square Charm, made of lacquered bronze. Engraved on two sides. Inscription very roughly cut. 7. Bronze Seal. The shaded parts are incised. 8. Bronze object, shaped like a foot. Inscription deeply cut. Face smooth but not polished. Plate IL 9. A Charm, made of cream-coloured limestone. One side is much worn, probably from rubbing on the wearer's skin. 10. A Bead, made of glazed pottery. 11. Part of bronze Needle. 12. Copper Coin, much clipped. 13. Bead, green glass, or translucent pebble, with incised bull's head. 14. Scarab ; grey pottery. 15. Copper Coin (actual size). 16. Enlarged copy of 15, to sliow the inscription. 17. Bead of polished pebble. Much worn. Inscription illegible. 18. Bronze Bead. Engraved and lacquered. PLATE I. 4-/_^ _ life::) ^^ I. rroi: Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1905. II. 0 1 ft VI. VIII. HIMYARITIC OBJECTS FROM THE LOWER YAFI VALLEY, Belonging to Major Merevvether, R.E. PLATE II. Proc. Soc. Bib/. Arch., June, 1905. IX. ^S3' /-^-^ XI. XII. (i? *--,a>~/~'- XIII. XIV. -0 .''//. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. UIMYARITIC OBJECTS FROM THE LOWER YAFI VALLEY, Belonging to Major Merewether, R.E. June 14] THE HERO OF THE PAPYRUS D'ORBINEY. [1905. THE HERO OF THE PAPYRUS D'ORBINEY. By Alan H. Gardiner. No Egyptian text has been more diligently studied than the "Tale of the Two Brothers," an.d there are few details either of its contents or of its language that have not been amply illustrated. Yet the problem as to the name of the hero Bata is still unsolved ; at least only a negative conclusion has been reached with regard to it. The questions to be asked are as follows : is the name purely imaginary, and invented by the author of the story? and if not, who was Bata ? To the first question a negative answer has been rightly <^iven : there are several reasons for thinking that Bata must have been a well-known character with the public who listened to his adventures. There can be no doubt, as M. MasperqI points out, that the elder brother (j ^ ^ ^ is the god Anubis. Moreover, the name •^ 0 I I I ^ ^^ written with the determinative of gods or revered personages. Lastly, the story ends with the accession of Bata to the throne of Egypt. It is hardly likely that an Egyptian storyteller would thus add a new king to the crowded ranks of the Pharaohs without some warrant from legendary history. However no reference to Bata had hitherto been discovered in any other Egyptian text : and the supposition of Lauth,^ that he is to be identified with the mythical king Bydis f Bites) mentioned by an ancient chronicler, is a brilliant and even probable, yet wholly unproven, conjecture. More than twenty years ago Prof. Erman published' from a photograph a hieratic ostracon in the jNIuseum of the Society of Antiquaries in Edinburgh, containing a poem that is now well-known. It enumerates in turn all the different parts of the war-chariot (ni2")Q), and plays upon each with a pun usually extolling the might of Pharaoh, but sometimes containing a mythological allusion. ^ In his brilliant essay in the introduction to the Con/es Popnlaiixs de PEgypte Ancienne, ' Aegyptische Chronologie, p. 30. •"* A.Z., 18 (1880), pp. 94, 95. 1S5 TrxE 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-LOLOGV. [1905. During a short stay in Edinburgh last year I was enabled, by the kind permission of Dr. Anderson, to study the original, and obtained a number of new readings where the photograph was illegible. In the 8th line of the recto I was fortunate enough to find a reference to Bata, and in a connection which shows that he is a god standing in some relation to Bast. The passage runs as follows : — \J'M^] I I I ^^ n n ^ \\ h\\ Every sign of the god's name is clearly written, and the reading is supported by the alliteration. There are several obscurities in the passage, but the following rendering will not be far wide of the sense: — '"The />-^ of the chariot are Bata, lord of S-k,'^ Avhen he was in the arms (?) of Bast, being cast out mto every land." The name of the town seems to be unknown, and the meaning of the allusion is obscure. The last words are however significant ; do we not find that the hero of the d'Orbiney papyrus was " cast out into every land " ? We must now consider what influence this passage ought to exercise on our interpretation of the Papyrus d'Orbiney as a whole. First of all, it is clear that mythological allusions may be legitimately sought for in it, as has been done in the past. The actors are divine, and the incidents must be derived, at least in part, from the mythological traditions of the Egyptians. But it is not pure mythology ; there is a distinct difference of spirit between the "Tale of the Two Brothers" and, for instance, the text of the " Destruction of Mankind." Between the literary categories of mythological narrative, exemplified by that text, and of pure fiction, of which the story of the " Doomed Prince " may be taken as the type, is another that we may style the mythological romance. To this category we may assign not only the "Tale of the Two Brothers" but also the Astarte text discussed not long ago in these Proceedings by Prof. Spiegelberg. ^ A single sign lost, possibly an ni. ■' The parts of the chnriot called li-/ cannot be precisely identified. 186 June 14] ARAMAIC TArVRUS FROM ELEPHANTINE. [1905. NOTE ON THE ARAMAIC PAPYRUS FROM ELEPHANTINE. Bv THE Rev. C. H. W. Johns. This very interesting document was published by Mr. i\. E. Cowley in this Society's Proceedings (Vol. XXV, pp. 202 ff., 1903), We owe the approximate understanding of it to the labours of those scholars who have already worked upon it from the Aramaic point of view. An excellent summary of their results will be found in Mr. G. A. Cooke's Noi-th-Semitic Inscriptions, Appendix II, pp. 404-7, and it is not proposed here to suggest any emendations, but only a confirmation. The difificult word \'yi-, in line 6, has already been conjectured to mean a "written receipt (?)," as suggested by its context ; but, so far as I know, no other occurrence of the word has been noted. It seems to be the Assyrian nibzu, which, however, does not yet appear in our Lexicons. In Prof. R. F. Harper's Assyrian atid Babylonian Letters belonging to the Kouytinjik Col- lections of the British Musemn, Part VI, No. 633, K. 1366, pp. 684-5, Rev. 13-14, we read, abisu sa sarri beUa kaspu KU-KAR sa amcle re'c ina libbi ni-ib-zi Assurai ina libbi ni-ib-zi Armai isataru : which may be rendered : — "the father of the king, my lord, had the money due from the shepherds written in an Assyrian nibz?( and in an Aramaic nibzii" that is, probably, in two nibzc, duplicates, one written in Assyrian, the other in Aramaic. It is less likely to mean in two documents, one drawn up in Assyrian style, the other in the Aramaic style. We know from the Aramaic "reference notes" scratched on legal documents, from the time of Sargon or Sen- nacherib onwards, that Aramaic characters were used in Nineveh along with the cuneiform ; and in another letter published by Prof. Harper (No. 872), we read of an "Aramaic letter," egirtu Arm'iti, of the time of Shalmaneser II. The word nibzu occurs elsewhere, e.g., in Prof. Harper's No. 798, 1. 4, where we read of a 7iibzu sa ckalli, but none of the references seems to give any further elucidation of its meaning. It can hardly mean anything else here than a written acknowledgement of in- 187 June 14] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.iLOLOGY. [1905. debtedness or obligation. For the word KU-KAR, which seems to be ideographic, Prof. P. Jensen's note in Sclirader's Keilinschriftliche Bibliothrk^ Vol. VI', p. 535, may be consulted. It seems "an account," whether in narrative form, as a history, poem, or even series of tablets, or as memorandum of things lent or entrusted to some one, or deposited anywhere. It is used in the legal documents of the Nineveh archives for lists of garments, utensils, etc. These lists may of themselves have implied obligation, to repair, or return the listed articles, but it is safer to say that KU-KAR means "an account." When used with reference to silver it probably means the amount due. We know from the code of Hammurabi, § 262, ff^ that shepherds gave a sort of receipt for the animals entrusted to them to take out to pasture, which was a KU-KAR, and the examples from Nineveh show that the value of their trust was estimated in money, they giving a bond to return the animals with proper increase, or pay cash for the loss due to their remissness. If we should rely on this passage alone, we might deduce that KU- KAR was the ideogram for nibzu, but either term may have been wider in meaning than such an equation would allow. It would not do to suppose that when KU-KAR meant a " story," it was read nibzu. The letter (No. 633) from which this extract is taken is very interesting, and deserves special study on other accounts. The name of Bi'li-rakabbi of Sama'al recalls the Bar-rekub of Zendschirli. Halbisu, the Samaritan, and the Vahweh names Neri-Jau, Pulhi-Jau, suggest Israelites. The district Gozan hints at these being members of the Ten Tribes. The letter has many rare words and unusual expressions, and is, moreover, incomplete. Its date appears to be late in Asurbanipal's reign, or even under one of his sons. But this note is already too long, and someone with the requisite time and knowledge may be tempted to take up the enquiry into the events related. The next Meeting of the Society will be held on Wednesday, November 8th, 1905, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will be read : — Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie, KR.S., F.B.A. : ** The Early Monarchy of Egypt." 188 PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. THIRTY'-FIFTH SESSION. 1905. Sixth Meeting, November St/i, 1905. F. Legge, Esq. IN IHE CHAIR. OBITUARY October 25th, 1905. — Major- General Sir C. W. w ILSON, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., &c. [No. ccvi.] 189 Nov. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGY. [1905. The following gifts to the Library were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — From the Author, The Rev. F. A. Jones. — "Observations upon Inscription of Nabonidus, concerning Naram Sin's Foundation Stone." From the Publishers, The Religious Tract Society. — "The Bible and Babylon," by Dr. E. Konig. Translated from the German by The Rev. W. T. Filter, with a preface by The Very Rev. Dr. Wace. From the Author, Dr. A. Boissier. — "Notes sur la nouvelle publication des Textes Divinatoires du British Museum." From the Author, Dr. A. Boissier. — " Choix de Textes relatifs a la divination Assyro-Babylonienne." From the Author, Jean Capart. — "Primitive Art in Egypt." Translated from the French by A. S. Griffith. From W. L. Nash, F.S.A. — "Bulletin de la Societe d'Anthropo- logie de Lyon." Vols. I-XXII. From the Author, Prof. Dr. A. Wiedemann, " Quelques Remarques sur le Culte des Animaux en Egypte." From the Author, Prof. Hartwig Derenbourg. — " Le Dieu Souwa." From the Author, J. Capart. — "Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens." Part II. From the Author, Dr. E. Glaser. — " Suwa' und al-'Uzza." From The Oxford University Press. — " Astrononi)- in the Old Testament." By G. Schiaparelli. The Rev. Father Lagier, Cairo, Egypt, Miss Crewdson, Woburn Sands, Dr. Binion, New York, U.S.A., Mrs. Percival Hart, Grove Lodge, Highgate, were elected Members of the Society. The following Paper was read : — Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie, F.R.S., F.B.A. : "The Early Monarchy of Egypt." Thanks were returned for this communication. 190 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905: THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS TRANSLATED AND ANNOTATED. By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. The time has now arrived when the task of deciphering the Hittite inscriptions is sufficiently far advanced to allow me to give connected translations of them. That the translations conform to the demands both of a consistent grammar and of common sense is one of the best proofs which can be adduced of the correctness of my decipherment. Other proofs and verifications will be found in the notes attached to them. The translations are not, of course, in all places equally certain or probable ; with the increase of our materials improvements and corrections will inevitably come. Nor are all the inscriptions we possess capable of translation, some of them being too fragmentary and others too imperfectly copied. The numeration is that of Dr. L. Messerschmidt in his Corpus inscriptionum Hettiticarum, i, 2 (Reiser, Berlin, 1900-1902), andthe texts are those published by him except where it is otherwise stated. In several instances I have been able to examine the original monuments which are preserved in the Imperial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople, one of the finest and best organised museums in the world. I cannot sufficiently express my thanks to H.E. Hamdy Bey for his courtesy and the generosity with which he placed at my disposal not only the Hittite inscriptions which have been already published, but also those of which no copies have as yet been made public, or refrain from recording my admiration of the scientific manner in which the treasures of the museum have been arranged and of the facilities afforded to scholars for studying them. In the case of the Hittite texts a minute examination of the originals is indispensable. I found when I came to examine the originals that 191 p 2 Nov. 8] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCIi.-EOLOGV. [1905. the best casts and photographs are at times faulty and even mis- leading. M. I, 3. On a stone bowl from Bagdad, now in the British Museum : wa-is-a KAI'-ka-i-wan uena-akasu-mis-(i)si. WA iD.-wan This work of the stone-cutters, {namely) this bowl DET.-Sanda-w-i i-us-i-ta DET.-a-tu-na-a-i KAI-wa for the god Sandes in the shrine the Ati/nian I have made DET. Isi- Tarkus det. a-na-a(m)-amma-mis A-na-m-a-tu (/) Is-Tarkiis, 0/ the royal land, for the great prince : ID. -a isi-ma-i-wa ghalu-i-mes ka-KASU-s-ma det. i-us-i-DET a food altar {?) having provided for the shrine DET.-Khal-MA-m-m-isi DET.-Kar-qa-ma-isi. of the son of the goddess Khalma the CarcJieytiishian god. The Malatiyeh inscription (M. XVI A.) similarly begins with tva-is-a " This gate I set up "; an accusative (?) in -sa is found in the Arzawa and Boghaz-Keui texts, and we have unnu-uk-a-su . . . ka-iB.-mi-is-s-a am-a-mis, "I have built of stone the gates of the city," in M. XXXI, C. 2, The boot has the phonetic value of 7c>i as well as of mi, and can be used for simple w, at all events before /. Here, however, it must represent yi or /, since the stem of the verb " to make " is kaiy not ka ; hence I read ka-i-zvan. My copy of the inscription has the suffixed u attached to the character isi in the next word, making it isic. The signification of the word is reached in this way : In M. II, 3, 4 (on which see note), mention is made of "stone," "wood," and "brick," which are expressed ideographically. In M. II, 6, and XX, 2, the ideograph of "stone" takes the place of nena (or una) in the word on the bowl ; so also in M. XXIV A {iv>.-akasu-ivi A-tu-a-i, " of a great stone "). The phonetic reading of the word is given on the obelisk of Izgin (M. XIX, C. 4), where we have am-a kam-uas un{tiu)-nu- kas-u-mis, " who has built of stone the gates of the city." Mis-isi must be read -missi (or -missu), and represents the suffixes -mi ^ Capitals denote ideographs ; where the pronunciation of the ideograph is unknown id. is written, det. means Determinative. 192 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. "belonging to a place" or "thing," and -si "son of,"' "derived from," " belonging to." As for i/ena, it is accompanied by the phonetic reading 7iiina or iianna in M. IX, 5 (on which see note). The unpublished inscription from Erzeriim (Constantinople, 1193) ends with the word nena-mis-akasii, where the other examples of it indicate that we should read iiena-7ikasu-mis, unless, indeed, mis is used as the determinative of an "artificial work," as in M. IX, 4. A comparison with the form Sanda-wa (M. XXXII, 2) makes it clear that the boot must here have the value oiw or wi, though in the genitive-dative of unria or watina, " god," when compared with other genitive-datives in -«-/, it must represent a simple / (M. IX, i, XXI, 3). Sandaw-a and Sandaw-i, however, explain the Greek ^(ii'Cw-v for ^avcaf-oi'.^ That i-us-i or i-was-i signifies " shrine" or "chapel " I have long since pointed out, but it is only lately I have perceived that it is identical in root with isi-ma " a high-place," and the character is which is the picture of an altar standing on the ground. Whether we should read /-/>-/, or whether isi and is are contracted from iiisi and ills I do not know. Atu is the phonetic equivalent of the ideographic y-^ ^cd3 "great" (literally "dirk-bearer of the land"), which it often replaces Ahi-na is " the land of the great one," "the royal land"; hence the country of Aiujia in the Assyrian inscriptions. Atunai is the adjective agreeing with Satidaivi. With -zva, the sufifix of the first person of the verb, compare the Vannic -bi and the Mitannian -it and -2ua. By the side of -wa or -iia we find -ti, as in unnukasu " I have built of stone " (M. XXXI, C. 2). The name of the god is denoted by the trident which represents the name of the principal god at Boghaz-Keui. As the latter is accompanied by a goat, I suppose him to be the goat-god Tarkus. With Isi-Tarkus compare the name Is-kalla. - In certain cases the boot seems to have no phonetic vakie at all, and yet not to be used ideographically. In wa-yi\-m-a (M. XI, 4) I have supposed it to be either a determinative or else to have its ideographic value of am?iia. But neither hypothesis is possible in the followiog instance : — In an unpublished inscription at Constantinople (1193, 3) we have: Div. [a)tn-tt-uan Div. det. (of god) Uan-nas-u-sH-iian. Now on the obelisk of Izgin, also at Constantinople (M. XIX, C. 8), we have precisely the same words, but written (on the original) DET. (of god) Uan-ttd-yn-a-S!i-in a-^it-DET. . . "great place of wood(?)." Here it is difficult to see what value can be assigned to mi (the boot). Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGV. [1905. With anajn-atii comp. naw-atu "the great entrance" (M. XLVI, 2), and auamis aname atui " prince of great princes " (M. XXI, 4). The ideograph which I have translated " food " is conjoined with the picture of a heap of corn, represented as in the Egyptian hieroglyphics, in M. XXI, 4, and appears to be a simpler form of the sacred cake {khal), which is distinguished from it by certain marks on its face. In Constantinople 1193 uena-mis-akasu is pre- ceded by this ideograph with the phonetic complement -vii-u. Jsi-viai-tva (or mdi-ya, for, after /, tea and 7cias were perhaps pronounced ya and yas) is literally "high-places"; for the termina- tion cp. the Arzawan -iya. " The high-place where food was eaten " in honour of the gods would be the sacred banqueting-hall referred to in the Vannic inscriptions. K/ial, denoted by a picture of the sacred cake, would mean " to nourish," "support," "provide," whence perhaps the name of the goddess Khalma, "the nourisher " (?), like Nana the " corn "- goddess. In M. XXI, 4 we have the ideograph of a heap of corn followed by the phonetic spelling gha-\Ji\^i\;-nie-s-i {ghali-mi/-si) " of the corn-providers."-^ It was not till some time after I had discovered the word kasma or kahuna and determined its meaning that I noticed that, thanks to Dr. Knudtzon's corrections of the texts, one of the few words in Arzaw^an the meaning of w^hich is known with certainty is kasma, " for." It is there followed by the genitive-dative in -/ {kasma bibbi, " for a chariot ") as in the Hittite hieroglyphic texts. Thus here we have kasjuii ii/si, and in M. XXI, 5 kasiima Sanda-miHi a??imi, "for the land of the people of Sandes." Could there be a better verification of my decipherment of the Hittite texts ? For Khalammes, the Assyrian Akhlame, and Kar-qa-ma-isi see my last paper. Karqamaisi probably stands for Karqamais-si like Sanda-pi for Sanda-dapi. Sandes in M. II and I, 5 is identified with the Syrian Hadad, who according to Shalmaneser II was the god of Khalma-n or Aleppo. M. XXXI, A. — On a stone at Agrak, 25 miles E. of Kai-sariyeh. The " copies " of this inscription taken by Armenians and published by Messerschmidt are worthless ; a good photograph of it has now ' In an unpublished inscription (CONSTANTINOPLE 837) khal-it-i-vics is represented by gha-lu-tiies, where ht is expressed by No. 53 (the stand), which in Is-khar appears to have the ideographic value of kliar. 194 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRITTIONS. [1905. been made by Dr. Belck. My copy has been made from the original at Constantinople (No. 1217) : — San(da)-da-au-i-s San(da)-da-uau-gha-s ara-me-s The Sandian SandmigJias {Sandokes) the king ANA-na-NA-a-wa-s det. a-MMA-mis ana-me-s det. au-me-s the powerful, of the land the prince, the priest atu-i-mis kai-wi-nas-*-\va det. na-m of the goddess Atu, I have constructed this DET. ID-DET DET. Ka-si-. . (line 2) .-a-si-DET. sacred column for the people of Kas. Sandauis like Khattais "the Hittite" (M. Ill, B. 2) or Tarkhais " the Tarkhian " in the Egyptian geographical lists. It does not mean "attached to the god Sandes " so much as " belonging to the country the god of which is Sandes." The form Sandau, gen. Sandau-a, explains the Greek '^avcw-v. Cp. Sanda-tv-i above. Sandaughas is the Greek Sandokes (for Sandawokes), Hdt. VII, 194. -Ghas may be a sufifix ; at all events in M. IV, A. 3 Na-*-ghas- appears to signify " from the land of N." If so, we should have an explanation of the name of Agapta-kha, a refugee from Malatiyeh, to whom land was granted in Susa (Scheil : Textes elaniites-semitiques, II, p. 95). Agapta or Agupta is known to us from the Egyptian monuments as a city in the neighbourhood of the Gulf of Antioch. Aumes or aymes forms the first element in the name of the Tyanian king Aym(e)-galas, the Aingolas of Greek inscriptions. The word probably denotes some kind of priest. That the cushion sometimes represented the name of the goddess Amma or Mamma I have pointed out in a previous paper. It had, however, the value of atu. We may gather this from M. XXXI, C. i. \^Tuan\a-na-s DET.a-;m-^ Uan-atu-mi-is " the Tyanian, prince of the land of the Eneti." That Uan-atu must be read here results from a comparison with the Tyana and Ivriz texts. In M. VI, i, moreover, the London cast reads for the name of Hamath, MA-ama-ma-atti ^ where atu is denoted by the cushion. Consequently the goddess Amma must also have been known by the name of Atu *' the great one." This is a surprising fact, since according to the classical writers it was her son Atys who was thus designated. But as long; 195 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGY. [1905. ago as my Paper on the " Monuments of the Hittites " in the Trans. S.B.A., VII, 2 (1881), I pointed out that the goddess of Carchemish must have been called Athe, and since then the name has been found in Atu-kalna and Ata-kal, At-banti, Aitua (Aitu-wa), Atu-ba, Athi-ni, Ata-ma and Atta-ma (•' the place of Ata "), names of towns near Carchemish mentioned in the geographical list of Thothmes III, as well as in Eta-kama or Aita-gama the name of a Hittite chieftain in the Tel el-Amarna tablets. According to Stephanus Byzantinus " the Syrians " used uOa^- or uti] to denote " god." Hittite or Syrian exiles deported by the Assyrian kings carried the name of Atu ('Ati) with them to Adiabene east of the Tigris. The suffix -mis denotes " belonging to " or " of the land of." The next word seems to be a compound, the first element of which is kaiwi or kaimi, "made," "work." The phonetic value of the animal's head which follows nas is unknown to me. It represents the name of a deity in M. XLII, 5. Can it be S7i ? The character which expresses na (or wana ?) in the demon- strative 7iam must be added to my list of signs. Its value is given in M. XLVI, 2, where the ideograph of the demonstrative is in one instance followed (as in M. XI, 4, 5) by na, and in the second instance by the character in question. As there were two demon- stratives 7i'a and na (or nam), as well as 7f:'an, which seems a compound of the other two, I should hesitate whether to read nam or icanam, were it not that we so frequently find nama (" of this (god)," M. XXIII, A. 4), namde (M. XI, 4), namis (M. XXXII, 5). The demonstrative may follow its noun, in which case it loses the m- suffix or changes the first vowel into/': M. XI, 5 "this {na or 7i>ana) sacred column of this (nimd) shrine." JVa (or wana) without the ;«-suffix may also be used before its noun. The first character in the name Kd-si must be added to my list of signs. As the other Hittite inscriptions of Cappadocia show that the country was called Kas, we may conjecture that the syllable preceding si is ka, and the conjecture is verified by M. XX, 2 : ka-(^W^-a-md, where it is glossed by ka-a. The new character is a simpHfied form of that which represents Kaiu (No. 41). After Ka-si there is a fracture of the stone with space for two characters. At the beginning of the next line one character (less probably two) is lost, and a-si is followed by the determinative of " man " (Addition.'VL Characters 95). This was possibly preceded by mi, since the suffix mis, with the syllable mi represented by 196 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. the boot (as ideographically denoting *' the earth ") signifies " belonging to the land of." On one of the Boghaz Keui cuneiform tablets copied by Dr. Pinches we read : alu Kha-iz-zi nu amil Gis-PA atu-us Ia{?)-Ii{?) mi-kat {?)-ta {?)-an Qii-rni-e-iz-zi "to the scribe of the city of Kha the king has sent the tribute (?) of the people of Qu." In a parallel passage we have : ba-a-an atu-us ALU A-ri-in-na-as alu Kha-at-tu-si-pa-iz-zi nu amil gis-pa la-li sir-ri-di-is sa-an-khal-za-a-kis * " this the king of Arinna has sent to the scribe of the city of Khattu-sipa . . . ." The suffix -mis "belonging to the land of" must be distinguished from that other -mis which goes back to an earlier -me -was. We find the latter in many of the Greek names of Asia Minor, e.g.^ 'ApaiaSa's, the aramewas " royal " of the Hittite texts, 'OvlBpa^wvaai'}. which would be the Hittite Ubra-me-was-is "the son of the Ubramian," Ubra or Upra being a divine name. M. VII, I. On a statue (now in the Berlin Museum) from Kirsh-oghlu near the ancient Gindarus on the Afrin : — 1. DET.-a-me-i .... [aramis] ANA-na-a-wa-s a-i\L\-vva-DET.-s / (am) .... [t/ie /cing] po^verful of the city Ir-katu-nas unna-NA-na-s Un-qa-Q (?)-u-i Irkaiunian, the land of the god ( Van) ; of Unqi 2. kama iD.-am-m-ma a-gha-s det. id. -ma-mis c of the gate the pavement anezv {and) the priests' {f) 100 katu-s-MA i-was-i-ta mis-jMis-[wa] wa-m-a-m image-niches in the shrine I constructed, and this place iD.-nu-wa / strengthened. I. Uanna or Unna is " god " ; Uan or Uanna was also the name of the country (according to the Egyptian inscriptions) west of Aleppo, from which the inscription has come. It would seem that it signified the " god's land." Northward was a country which * There is a space between sirridis and saii, otherwise we might read sirridissan khalzdkis, that is an accusative governed by the present participle of a verb compounded with khal "food." Ban is the ivdii of the hieroglyphic inscriptions. 197 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1905. according to the Assyrian monuments was called " the land of the goddesses." Unqi was the capital of the district as we learn from the Assyrian te.xts. After qa we should more probably read tiu-i " of the Unqian {Unqaiifii) gate." 2. We have here the ideograph of " place " {ma) combined with the ideograph of "gate,"' which in j\L XVI, t is written separately (iva-is-a m.-md ''this gate"). In XI, 3 a name which seems intended for '' Carchemish " is expressed by the picture of a double gate combined with ma (or is it kd .?), followed by the phonetic complement a. The same ideograph is also found in M. XXXI, C. 2, where the via, however, is placed above instead of below the double gate. In XX, 2 (the original of which is now at Constantinople) the double gate may form part of the name of the capital of "the prince " {a-nd-a-is-s) to whom the inscription belongs, the ideograph in the second line being perhaps a picture of a double gate with the numeral 2 attached to it on the left side. It represents the first syllable of the name and is followed by me-i and a character which we also find in M. XXXII, 2. Palanga, where the inscription (XX) was found, was in the neighbourhood of Gurun, which is described in an Assyrian letter (where it is called Guriania) as being in the district of Gamir. The me-i of the Hittite text raises the presumption that it is the name of Gamir that is represented here, in which case the last character would be ir (or ri) and the first ga or game. This presumption is confirmed by the fact that the first character (the double gate) appears to stand for Carchemish — Gar-gamis in Assyrian — in M. XI, 3. Hence I conclude that the word for " gate " was ga (ka) or gam {kani), that " double gate " was game {kame), and that the name of Carchemish (which I believe was originally the Semitic Kar-Kamis " the wall of Chemosh ") was explained by its Hittite conquerors as " the Wall " or " City " of Kame-s " the double gate." " Gate-place " {kamd) sometimes had the determinative of " building" attached to it as in M. XXXII, 5. It is written phonetically in XXXI, C 2 ka-KK^ix-mi-is-s-a am-mis-a na-iD.-a-wa-7c>as-'sii " the gates of the city belonging to the double entrance." Here the phonetic spelling verifies my reading of the word."' ' Accordini; to analogy Camis, in the Cilician name Camis-sares, would be the name of a deity like the Semitic .Syrian B.ibia, the Gate-goddess (a name which has nothing to do with "children"). 198 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [IQOS- " Pavement " or " foundations " is denoted by the boot, on which the priest stands in the " edicule " at Boghaz-Keui (M. XXVIII, i). We have the ideograph again in M. VIII, A. 2, nu7i-na-vi-vi-a-am-mis kai-iva \V).-a-ta aiii-a uia-{wa)n-^\\ iD.-ka-kafii-zvan-wan " being prince I have built on the pavement of the city of these Kataonians." As amma is "earth," "land," am-m-ma may represent the full pro- nunciation of the word. In M. XXXIII, A. 4 the context obliges us to give to aghas the meaning of " anew." In M. XXXI, C. 2 the locative aglia-ta is found, perhaps to be read aghanda and regarded as an adverb. As ag/ia-s, agha-ta, agha-7van (M. XXXII, 2) are always written phonetically, agha is probably a loan-word from the Assyrian ak/ia. Since the "word-divider" of the later inscriptions still retains in this text its original use as a determinative of classes of persons, the word that follows it probably denotes some class of priests. The ideograph seems to represent an amulet with two strings for attaching it to the person. The value of the numeral is given us in M. VIII, B. 3, CCCCXXXX a-mis a?'a-am-vi-md-zvas " 440 royal cities." But as it is almost certainly the hieratic form of ka, it may here be intended as the phonetic complement of katu and not as a numeral. For katii, the picture of a goddess seated in a niche like the ''Niobe" on Mount Sipylos, see my last Paper. That 7nis-\7iia'\ is the reading is indicated by M. XXXIII, 4, mis- Mis-uai/-i ; the root is found in fioaau-i' "a house" (Dion. Hal. I, 26 ; Strabo 549), whence the name of the Moschi, which is written Mis- gha in the native texts (M. XLVI, i). JVa-md "this place" is used in the sense of "here." The final -7H seems to be the enclitic "and." The first syllable of the adjective -fuhi'as " powerful," was a, and consequently it is related to a7/a-s "lord," anajumi-s "prince," anai-s "princely," aiiame-wa-s "powerful." My translation "powerful" is derived from the analogy of the Assyrian inscriptions, in which rabbu "great," and danini "powerful," stand by the side of one another like atus "great" and andwas in the Hittite texts. But since the determinative of "great" is attached to ana (M. X, 8) the word may connote size rather than power ; in this case ami-wa would be " I have enlarged." The ideograph, however, — an arm between two ///m's (for atia ?) — is against this. 199 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1905 M. XXXIII, A. On a stela from the site of the ancient Tyana : 1. Div/' Au-m-gal-a-s div. Tu-a-uan-a-na-s-DET. div. ara-mi-s Aimgalas the Tyaiiian, the king DIV. gal(e)-na-s div. DET.-iD-su-i-s a-ma of the priests^ land the dirk-bearer of the city 2. A-na-NA-a-wa-s div. a-na-is div. Khal-gha-wan(a) the powerful^ a prince of Cilicia DIV. Katu-uan(a)-s A-na-s div. AMi-s-ma-mis div. am-a Catao?iian, the lord, a citizen of the city 3. DIV. Wa-na-UAN-tu-au-mes-wa div. A-na-is-is aram-is-ma of the Vanatuatis {Etieti) ; being prince of the royal city div. wa-ma am-a Uan-tu-au-si-wan div. here to the city of the Eneti-belonging DET.-San-(da)-da-was-wan to Sandes-belonging 4. DIV. a-siN div. iD-ta-is div. a-gha-s mis-Mis-wau-i the sacred stone as of old anew I have constructed. 1. Aumgalas or Aymgalas, the ^ kiv{o\a^ of the Greek Cihcian inscriptions, the Mugalla of the Assyrian texts, is a compound of mimes, for which see above (XXXI, A). Since the character gal had also the value of ne, I have thought it possible that we might read Au-me-ne-a-s, the Greek Eumenes. 2. For amis-ma-mis see M. XXXII, 4, A-me-s-m-a-na-is ; IX, 5, a- mi-Mis-me-s-Mis ; XV, B. 2, a-mi-ui^-me-s-ui?, ; XIX, B. 9, a-mi-is-m-a. The word is a compound of amis " city," and ma " place." 3. The cuneiform Wantu-was. Wana,-au-si-wa-n Sandawa-sif)- wa-n " (the sacred stone, as before,) belonging to Sandes of the city of the Eneti," the Oin'jinnd or Ovijvaaa of classical geography. 4. I suppose mis-2vaiii, i.e. misjt-awi, to represent the perfect, mis-iua being the aorist. The lower part of this monument has been recovered, and is now at Constantinople (No. 837). An inscription runs down either side '' In this and other late inscriptions the determinative of classes of persons has become a simple word-divider ; hence I denote it by div. 200 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. of the royal figure, and there is another inscription under the feet. The latter seems imperfect, and the inscription on the left hand side of the figure has been destroyed. The inscription under the feet appears to read : iva . . v>E.T.-Sanda-da-?id-!iie-s Tt/-[j/ana\-ntd-na-i-[s\ Div. 7ni-is . . a-ria-[z] Div. ammd . . " This [statue] Sanda-names of the land of Tyana having wrought for the lord of the country . . " M. X. On a monument from Carchemish, now in the British Museum : T. DET.-iD Kar-ka-me-is-DET. Am-DET. The dirk-bearer of Carchemish, of the land of Ammi, {and) Kas-DET. DET.-Khal-[ma]-sar(?)-me the land of Kas, Khalnia-sar(?)tne 2. a-na-me-i atu isi-isi uan the prince am I great ; grower of the nan-tree DET.-Ara-me ara-(am)mi atu(?) ix wan of Aramis the king supreme over the AUne ; to zvhoin 3. DET.-Khal-MA la Kas-u id.-i-mis-det. . . . the goddess Khalma has given the Kasians ; the priest (?)... 4. ... atu-me-i . .-kal id.-ix atu . . . great am I ; the mifiister of the 9 great gods, 5. sar (?) ix-mis tira (?)-mis [a]-na-[mc ?-i ?]-was ara loving the 9 sanctuaries, princely, king- 6. me-was uena-iD.-a-ta wan-was-Mi anes-Mi ' Ij, on the altar of the sacred stone these crosses ghal-li-a / have provided 7. Mu-ta-a-li-si(s) atu-i-was a-na ana-was being the son of A'hitalli the gixat, the prince pozuerful a-na-DET. DET.atu-me-i the prince great am I. 201 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^LOLOGV. [1905. 1. I read Khalma rather than Khalam, partly because of M. XXXII, 5 {K/ial-j/i-a), partly because in the Tel el-Amarna tablets the plural of Akhlam is Akhlama-u (Winckler, 291, 6, 8). Sar ^xs, the phonetic equivalent of the ideograph of "loving" is a mere conjecture based on Hittite names like Sanda-sarme and the fact that in Mitannian sarii signifies "to desire." The name of the Carchemish king means " beloved of Khalma." His kingdom embraced Ammi or northern Syria, which extended from Pethor on the Euphrates to the Orontes, and Kas or Cappadocia. In the Tel el-Amarna tablets Kas is made to adjoin Mitanni and Nabarina as well as the Hittites east of the Taurus. Ammi — written Ammi, Ammia and Am in the Tel el-Amarna letters — is probably the Hittite word ainma " the country," and represented the Semitic district conquered by the Hittites. As pointed out in my last Paper this inscription is one of the oldest we possess, and belongs to the same period and empire as the Ardistama inscriptions discovered by Professor Kamsay. It will be noticed that the phonetic element is but slightly represented in it. 2. In M. XXXII, I, ana-inei is written K-na-a-vie-i. On the boss of Tarkondemos the suffixed me.i appears as me-tc in the Hittite text while the cuneiform has me-e ; in one of the Tel el-Amarna letters (Winckler, 175. 9, 10) sent to Egypt by the Hittite prince Arzawaya, "the Arzawan," the Assyrian urrud sarri heli-ya "I am a servant of the king my lord," is given as the equivalent of ni malakii bali-vie, malaku and hali being borrowed from the language of Canaan, while /«' is used in the letters of Ebed-Kheba (? Ui-Kheba) in the sense of " servant." Isi-isi will be the causative of isi " to be high," like kais-kais " causing to make," M. XV, B. 2. "Causing to be high," i.e., "causing to grow." For the sacred nan-Xx&& and the god Aramis " the king," see my last Paper. In K. 11, Iddin-sum-ilu calls himself the son of (an) Aramis-sar-ilani, who had been the damkaru or agent for Carchemish and had " died in the land of the enemy." Aramis, "king," is written in rebus-like fashion with the two ideographs which represent " head " {am) and " earth " {mi). The phonetic value of the basket-handle which signifies "supreme" is uncertain. At Gurun it surmounts the ideograph of " god " {tinnd), and is probably intended to be only a determinative ; in M. Ill, A. 2, it surmounts isi\mes\ "exalted"; in M. III. B. i, 202 Nov. S] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. it surmounts {a)ia-me-s " ruler " and has the vowel // attached to it ; at Carchemish it is combined with the head of the high-priest aba. In line 4 " the Nine" are "the 9 great gods," in line 5 "the 9 Sanctuaries," in M. XIX, B. 8, "the 9 sacred cities," in M. XIX, D. 16 (and probably XVIII, B. 5) " the 9 cities." The Hittite empire would seem to have consisted of a confederacy of 9 deified States. At Boghaz-Keui Amma-Atu has behind her the two goddesses of Eyuk and 18 other city-goddesses. JVan or tian is properly the demonstrative " him." 3. Since la/i is " he gave " in one of the Boghaz-Keui cuneiform tablets, and Lalli (? " the giver ") was the name of a king of Malatiyeh, it is probable that we should read here /ali rather than ia. The ideograph represents the fringe on the dress of the high- priest at Boghaz-Keui. 4. In a fragment from Carchemish (M. XIV, 7) containing the name of [Mu-ta-]a-li, the extended hand takes the place of the first ideograph. 5. Mis is the determinative of the plural here, and its pronuncia- tion is therefore uncertain. Tira (?) for the sacred cross-pole which denotes a " sanctuary " is the merest conjecture. The phonetic complement of the word is -a, and in M. XXXI, C. 4, we have atu above it, while in M, II, 7, and XIII, 2, it is preceded by Katti and Katu-atu in the name of a city. Tirra, Greek tra, is a common sufifix in the geographical names of the Hittite district : thus the Assyrian inscriptions give Khata- tirra in the land of the Khattina, and in Asia Minor we have Kybistra by the side of the cuneiform Khubis-na, Sava-tra from the name of the god Sava (Sapa, Subbi), &c. 6. The twofold ii-na has the value of tianna or luina " god " in M. IX, 5 (compared with XI, 4), and the ideograph is the sacred stone, either mounted on a column — or more probably, after the analogy of the ideograph of "brick" (M. XI, 2, XXI, 4), with the vowel n attached to it — and accompanied by the determinative of an ideograph. Perhaps we are intended to read wanasiia-ta. Wan-was as in M. VIII, B. 4, CCCCXXXX amis arammazvas wan-i-was, "these 440 royal cities." Dr. A. J. Evans has found the cross at Knossos where it was an object of worship. Its phonetic value is given in M. VI, 4, and IX, 4. 203 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. For khallia see note on khalui-iues (I, 3). 7. Mutalli is a well-known Hittite name. M. IX. On a monument from Carchemish, now in the British Museum. 1. DET.-a-me-i [San ?-] ga-ara(?)-a-s Kar-[ka]-me-si-wa-DET.-s I am Sangaras {?) the Carchemishiati DET. Kas-(e)s UN-na-wi DET.-wa-me-s a-am-[is] . . . of the land of Kas : for the god this city ... 2. . . . [ara-] me-[s] Kas-wan-na-.s DET.-Khal-M.\-me-s . . . the king the Kassian, the Akhlamite, Kar-ka-me-si-wa-DET.-s aba-kalu-s l.vmi the Carchemishian, the high-priest, has given, DET. ara-mis a-am-me-Mis-was-DEX. being king of the city 3. sun-na-was det. Ara-me-s-Mis-am-m-a-DET. attached to the tevifh, to Aramis-amma {Melkarth) sun-un-wa-DET. uena-iD. Aram-is-Mis-am-m-a-DET. of the temple an image of Aramis-amma arame-wan-DET. iD.-ma-s-wi wa-is . . . royal for the places of the priests these . . . 4. . . . [is-si-ma-] a-ta uena-iD. kai-DET.-ma . . . on the high-place of an image the form, Div. is-si-ma-a-ta-DET. ama-DEX. is'-si-ma-a-ta-DET. div. on the high-place an artifcial bull, on the high-place iD.-a-nu-MA kai-i-a-(m)is-DET. DEx.-Khal-MA-me-wan a cross making, belonging to the Akhlamite, DEX. Kar-ka- the Ca7-- 5. me-si-\va-DET.-wan aba-kalu-wan uena-uan-na-ni clicmishian, the high-pi-iest of the gods tir(?)-a-MA a-mi-is-me-s a-tu-is Katu-na of the sanctuary ; the citizen - ruler of Cataonia, DIV. Aram-is-Mis-am-m-a-mi-[i-is] . . . belojiging to the land of Aj-amis-amma . . . 2C4 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. 1. In the original the second character in the royal name is a clear ka or ga (No. 35) ; of the first only an oblique stoke is left which may belong to san (No. 59) ; of the third the left half remains showing that the character was either ana (No. 44), or the arm ara (No. 2 ID.). We should thus have Sangaras, the name of a king of Carchemish in the time of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser II. The published photograph of the inscription is misleading. I am inclined to believe that the characters -wa and -tvas were pronounced -ya and -yas after / or e. At all events the sufifixes -me-ivas and -e-was seem to be identical with -mes or -mis and is. Similarly ana-was or ana-its appears to be the same as ana-is, perhaps through the pronunciation of ii as //. It will be noticed that here, as often elsewhere, the determinative of " district " is placed before the final suffix, Kas is plain in the original inscription both here and in line 2. The word for "god" was nanna or tinna, which is written in full in line 5. The boot probably represented /and not 7£'/ after «, since the genitive-dative of animis " land," which is generally written amma-wi, appears as amma-i in M. XXXII. 5, and in XX, i. 3, in place of unna-wi we have VN-na-i. 2. Kas-ivanjias has the same form as Z'(?) an-7vannas, " the T (?) annian," in the Arzawan letter of Labbaya (line 2), revised by Dr. Knudtzon. Similarly we find Kas-wan in the Ardistama texts. The verb is probably to be read lal-ivi or lala-i. We have the third person of kai, " to make," in M. XII, i. 3, and XI, 4. The bull's head, it will be seen, takes a different form in the same word in this inscription, and in line 3 is replaced by the calf's head. 3. The title araniis animis (for ammeus) is similarly given to the priest-king in M. II, i, as being the representative and impersona- tion of the god who was the true head of the theocratic Hittite city and of the land which constituted its territory. It may be questioned whether the Tyrian conception of Baal as Melkarth, Melek-Qiryath, " City-King," was not due to Hittite influence." '' At Ardistama Aramis ot the sacred Uan-tree has not only the fetish of the human head {ara) dedicated to him, but also the fetish of the bull's head. According to the Pseudo-Lucian the chief god of Hierapolis, the successor of Carchemish, was supported on bulls. In fact, as the human head represented Aramis, so the bull [ama) symbolised "the city" (awZ-j) as well as the land of Am or Ammi in which Carchemish was situated. At Boghaz-Keui two bull- 205 Q Nov, 8] .SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1905. In the name of the Hittite town Kil-sunna at Medinet Habu, the Egyptian determinative of "house," or "temple," is attached to sunna, and that such is the pronunciation of the ideograph of " house " here is indicated by the spelhng iTi-iai-wa. Uena should rather be 2inna as in line 5 (UNNA-//;/-;/r?), and in M. I, as we have seen, it takes the place of the ideograph of "stone," which in M. XI, 3, is the phonetic complement of s-uniia. For the boar's (?) head, see M. X, 4, 4. From the Ardistama texts we learn that the "bull" was represented at the Hittite high-place by a bull's head on the top of the sacred pole, while the "image" was that of Aramis, the divine protector and "king" of the land, who was symbolised by a man's head on the top of a pole. According to the Pseudo-Lucian, the chief god of Hierapolis, the successor of Carchemish, was supported on a bull. In this line the determinative of a class of persons is already used to divide words. The consistent use of the plough as a determinative of artificially made or "built" objects should also be noticed. M. XL On a broken monument from Carchemish, now in the British Museum : I wan . . [DET.-Khat-]ta-[m-]a DET.-Khal-MA-me-s of the Hittite land an Akhlamite, [DET.-Katu]-wa-[s ?] [det ?-] na . . mi . . . a Cataojiian, of this 2. . . . Khat-attu-me-MA a-(a)ma det. DET.-li-wa ... of Khattume the city I have amstructed ara-DET.-iD-wan balu tira (?)-ma belonging to the chief dirk-bearer the corybant of the sanctuary, headed dwarfs support a crescent-shaped disk on their heads. On the other hand, in M. XX, I. 3, Aramis is distinguished from Ammi or Amma, denoted by a bull's head on a pole. On the Yuzghat seal two kneeling bull-headed dwarfs support the wings of the winged solar disk which rests on the sacred cone. On a seal in the Louvre the bull-headed dwarfs are standing while the place of the cone is taken by the sacred tree. At Boghaz-Keui Aramis as "king" of heaven is surmounted by the winged solar disk, and is depicted as an eunuch canying in one hand a lituus, and in the other his name, which according to the cast consists of the usual symbol standing in a crescent cp. M. VI, 4. 206 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. Kar-ka-me-is-m-a-DET. DET.-Khat-ta-un-a-wan-DET. of Carchemish a Hittite, WA-na-wan i-us-i-ma attu-ATU-m-a sun-na-u-is (?)-ma . , . this high-place of bricJz (?) belonging to the temple . . . 3. . . . [DET.-Khal-] MA-is Kar-ka-me-si-was-DET. aba-ka-li-ni-s . . . an Akhlamite, a Carche?nishian, high-priestly, atu (?)-s arami (?)-s li-wa sun-un-was-ma the great (?) the hing(?), I have constructed belonging to the temple i-us-i-ma det. a-na-DET.-was Kamis-a-was the high-place, being lord of the two-gated city, Kas-was id. asi-un A-mis-wan iD.-mi . . , a Kassian. Behold the sacred stone of the city former \king X] 4. . . . me-wan WA-na DEX.-kal-li-ni am-mi wa-DET.-m-a . . . belonging to . . for this priestly land here DET.-ni KAi-ka-s sunna-(w)i {and) of the gods making for the temple Tarka-ka-is-na iD.-si na-m-au of him of the land of Tarkus^ for the dance of these iD.-i kai-wi WA-na a-mu m.-u-ta-is dancing priests had made, this city as before (?) kai-s ka-li . . . making {for) the priest{s) .... ID. WA-na i-us-i-Mi ni-m-a det. wa-is \I built this^ column of this high-place hereQ); these DET. DET.-kalu-Mis kai-s id. id. priests makitig, the column of the Aramis-svmbol ID. DET. - ana - m - .\imma - m - a - mis iti front of, belojiging to the royal land, X - KATU - ATU (?) - mis attached to the X, niche-image and Amma (?) symbols, DET.-Tarku-s det. Khal-MA-s id. am-es-na-a-na-DET. Tarkus and Khalma as priests of the city of Nana ma iD.-un-nun-na-ma the place of the Sun-god \liave appointed them ?] 207 Q 2 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1905. Mr. Rylands is probably right in thinking that the column on which the inscription is engraved has been re-used, the inscription originally running round it, one half of it having been afterwards destroyed to make way for a bas-relief of the goddess of Carchemish, who holds a plough {amino) in the right hand and the determinative of deity with the cushion {atu) beneath it in the left. Owing to the mutilation of the text the translation is necessarily disjointed and unsatisfactory. 2. There was a city of Khatuma or Khadem mentioned in the Egyptian texts as being near Aleppo. The first character may be either No. 16, which, however, in this inscription seems to have only the value of ;//, or a character which resembles the arm but repre- sents Khat in this line in the word Khatta-wanawan. This would naturally be read Khat (or Ara)-wan-ta-a-wan, were it not that the order in which the characters are to be read is fixed for U3 by IV, A. 2. The leg had the phonetic value of ba (or baht ?), but as a title it is followed by / in M. XIX, A. i, and n in XVI, A. i, like the basket- handle in III, B. I. I do not know whether we are to read attu-nid " brick-place " with ATU as phonetic exponent, or atu-md " great place." 3. The ideograph in atji(J)-s seems to be the same as that which we have in line 5 and W, A. 3, and which in the photograph of the shorter Gurun inscription follows the name of the goddess Am-m-ma. In line 5 it represents Attys (see below), and we should therefore probably read Amma-atu at Gurun. The next ideograph I would identify with the forms of a fa mis found in I\I. IX, 5, and XXXII, 2. We should probably read A-isn-zi'an, mis being used ideo- graphically. 4. Am-mi may be a»ia-\MM.\ "the bull-symbol" as in M. IX, 4, but in that case we should not have expected the sufifix (or deter- minative) nii. On the original sunna-wi is followed by the trident of Tarkus (which denotes the god at Boghaz-Keui) and the phonetic complement ka (No. 35). A^a is expressed by the hieratic form of wan (No. 14) which in line 2 has the value of ;/.?. Here, however, it may be used for ivan. In any case the suftix is the same as in Sanda7cia-s-7i'an, M. XXXIII, 3. 208 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. As Tarkus, the god of Das-tarkon, was the Cataonian Apollo, according to Strabo, and at Fraktin or Das-tarkon the name is represented by the ideograph of " dance " with the vowel ti attached to it, we may conclude that he was known as unnas sin " the god of the dance." With the suffix -was^ sin would become shnvas or stuas "he of the dance," and in siuas I see the Sabos, Saba, Sava and Sao-a of the Greeks, the Sapa of the Assyrians and Egyptians and the Subbi of the Tel el-Amarna letters. Sabazios or Savazios is Siua-si-s (or perhaps Siua-si-yas) " the son of Tarkus." Since the curious ideograph after a?nu (or amissu ?) represents the name of a city in M. XIX, C. 5, it may be the name of a city here, {a)ta-is being "royally" or even "with bricks." The sense of the whole line would seem to be: "(King X) making (the sacred stone) for this city of priests (and) for the temple of the gods, had made (it) here in the land of the Tarkians for the dance of these dancing priests, making (it) royally for this city of . . ." 5. Ni-in-a perhaps for nama. On the original the Aramis-symbol is a man's head on the garlanded pole as at Ardistama. As the two boots when turned away from the reader denote " former," " before," so the two boots facing him ought to denote "in front of." The next word which has the determinative of " priest," is very difficult to interpret. It might be read h.-ni-mi-m-a-mis and compared with amis-vies "citizen" (M. IX, 5, XXXIII, 2, XIX, B. 9), which is written amis-mamis in XXXIII, 2. On the other hand we have the same word : ryws.-ni-^ii-m-a-i/iis in XVIII, B. 6, followed by the names of three divinities, while in XLVI, 3, the determinative shows that we are dealing with a different word altogether, aiia-vi-^w-m-a "prince." Yet in XXXII, 3, we find Tarka-mis-\\\-wa7i-md-mis a?ia- me-md-a-niis " belonging to the royal city of the land of the Tarkians." Perhaps the best rendering would be " (priests) belonging to the royal city of" the three sacred symbols. At all events these three symbols correspond with the three deities of XVIII, B. 6, Tarkus, Amma and Attys. If the third symbol had the pronunciation ahi (see note on line 3) Atu would be here distinguished from Amma, who would be called Atu merely as an abbreviation of Amma-atu "the Great Mother." The ideograph appears to represent "the Sun-god of Kas " between two priests. As for the numeral X, the 209 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1905. symbol of Tarkus, the same symbol denoted Hadad-Rimmon in Assyrian. Instead of the determinative of "deity" Tarkus is preceded by the ideograph of the Sun, indicating that he was the Sun-god of Carchemish. standing there in the same relation to Khalma that Sandes stood to her at Aleppo. The goat's head, by the way, is more correctly given here by Rylands than by Messerschmidt. Nana, the mother of Attys, was the daughter of the Sangarius, and Carchemish stood near the Sangur or Sagur, the modern Sajur. See VI, 2. In M. XXIII, C, I (according to the photograph) the name of the Sun-god is written Un-un-nu {\T>.-7cian-7i'a}i-}i2{-7va-iiia) "(the powerful city) the place of the Sun-god." In the present text, itti is followed by a vase which we find in VI, 2, and which is coupled with the ideograph of the Sun-god in two unpublished texts at Constantinople (837 and 1 193). It will have the value of min. XV. On a monument found at Carchemish, but left there to be destroyed : — [a]-me-i sunna-me-s asi-s-si-i / am the temple-maji of the people of the sacred stone. DET,-Khat-ti-is(?)-i-s det. Sunna-me-s . . . a Hittite Siiiinames . . . . . . mi-[i]-s a-mi-is-me-s-DET. am-mi-i-s . . . of the land of . . . a citizen, cities kai-i-(m)is-kai-i-(m)is causing to build, 3. DET.-li-wa i-us-i-s-mis-i det. na-m-a / have constructed for the priests of the chapels of this sun-un-na(?) .... temple .... 4 wan-was-i-s-DET. (of plural) these. 1. Mr. Boscawen's copy, which was made from the original shortly after its discovery, has sunna-me-s in both places. In the second instance I think it is the name of the priest-king who plays upon it in his first title. We seem to have the same title or name at 210 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. Gurun. Perhaps, too, Sunna-si-s "temple-born" is the original of Syennesis, unless this stands for Siuwa-na-si-s ; cp. Tarkhu-na and Tarma-na-zi. Perhaps we should read ASi-si-i, i.e. asi " of the sacred stone," since the s is not clear in the photograph. Nor is is visible in it "after // ; hence the reading is probably Khat-ta-i-is. 2. In M. VIII, B. 3, 4, this is written kn-mis 'DKr:.-am-7?ie-was-uk. Since the participle of kai is elsewhere written kais, mis must be is here. 3. Mis may represent the ideograph of plurality, as in the next line ; in that case iusi-si will be " of" or "for the chapels." 4. In M. VIII, B. 3 2(fi-iuas-{is) is written im-i-was. The preceding characters of Mr. Boscawen's copy may represent the ideographic "above and below"; but see M. XL, 16 ("Supreme over the earth "). M. II. On a stela with bas-relief of the Syrian Hadad, found at Babylon and now at Berlin. The inscription is very late, and is badly and carelessly written in a cursive hand : — 1. Div. DET.-a-me-u Tu-a-tu-s div. Kal-kasu-a-ni-s div. ara-mi-i-s I atn Tuates the Ka/kasiatt the kifig a-am(a)-mis-Mis Sanda- . . m-m-a-ni-s of the city, the Sanda . . iiiian ; 2. DET.-Sanda-s Div.ara-mi-i div. kai-is-Mi.s a-tu DET.-me-i-un-DET Sandes for the king having 7?iade the king's gate am-mi-i-wan div. ara-me-i-wan div. A-ni-i-war belonging to the city, royal, priiicely, iD.-un-si-wan belonging to the priests {?), 3. aram-is-ma div. DET.-li-wa (a)m-a-DET. kai-DET.-wa a royal place I have constructed, for the city I have made, DIV. mis-ni-li-wa div. li-[mj-a-s div. uennaka-si div. isi-& I have built {it') ; walls of sto?ie iofty, DIV. li-m-a-s div. UANA-si-i div. isi-s div. li-m- walls of wood iofty. Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGV. [1905. 4. a-s Div. attu-si-i div. isi-s kai-DET.-wa kai-i-(ni)is 7va//s 0/ brick l<^'fiy I have built, building amm-i a-tu-ta-DET. Sanda- . . m-m-a-ni DET.-Sanda-wi-i in the king^s land for the Safida . . miaii Sandes DIV. me-un-DET. div. atu-i div. aram-is-ma the gate-place of the prince ; a royal place wa-m-a-(m)is kai-i-s here )itaking 5. DIV. balu-i DIV. iD.-na-wa-i div. me-wa-i div, li-m-a-s for the corybant ; of the towers {f) of the gate the walls Mis-mi-su-i-s div. sun(?)-ani-ni-s-DET. div. li-m-a-s 7v ell-built, battlemented {?), the avails ka(mi)-mi-i-su-s div. sun(?)-am-ni-s-DET. wa-m- of the gates battlemented {/) that 6. a-mis div. iD.-a-ni-\va div. uenna-akasu-wa are here I have built of brick, I have built of stofie, div. ame-s-iD.-ni-mi-i div. wa-m-a-ta div. kama for the men of the Sun-god's city, in this place of the gate div. iD.-i DIV. am-iMi-m-a-mis-i(?) of the cadiiceus belonging to the men of the land. Sanda- . . m-a-ni-s DET.-Sanda-s div. atii-mis The Sanda . . mian Sandes, the lord . DIV. me-(m)is kai-s aram-is-i mi)ie, is he who makes for the king's people 7. kamissa div. Katu-tira(?)-ama-\van the gate of the city of Katu . . . I. The two characters in the proper name seem to be meant for /u, the second having the vowel // attached to it. They can hardly be No. 31, nu, since Tuates is a Hittile name, while Nuannus is unknown. Moreover the second character is atu rather than ana. For Kalkas, the Egyptian Kalkesh, see Proc, Jan., 1904, p. 18. The Mer'ash kings are kings of Kalkas ; the name is a compound of Kas(wa). From the Malatiyeh inscription (INI. XVT, i) it results that 212 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. Sanda-*m-me(s) was a proper name. A city or district must have been called after his name, like the Hittite land of Bakhian in the Assyrian inscriptions, or the Hittite country of Sa(n)dahalis, on the Vannic monuments. The first title assumed by the Mer'ash kings is Sanda-*mme-katumis, "a Sanda- . . mmian Kataonian," and the district must have extended as far south as Aleppo, since in the Aleppo inscription (M. Ill, B. i) the name of the country over which . . atu ruled, and which I have previously misread, is Sanda- *-m-[a-nas]. In the 2nd line of this inscription another country is mentioned which is identical with the I-ghan-a of Hamath (M. VI, i). It is, therefore, not surprising that in another Hamath lext (M. Ill, B. 3) v/e find the country of Sanda-*-m-a-(na-was), which inter- changes (M. IV, A. 3) with the country of N'a-atuljygka-s, perhaps "he of Natu(?)." N.B. — In the Aleppo text the king is called 2si\_)?ies\ afii\s], aramis a-tu-i-\s\ Kas-pat avi-mc I-ghan-a-nis, " the exalted, the powerful, the great king, the Yakhanian of the city of Kaspat." The value of pat for the character found here is obtained from the geographical list of Ramses III at Medinet Habu, where the city of Kashpatu follows immediately "Carchemish the city." The character occurs again on three Boghaz-Keui seals published by Chantre (for one of them see M. XLIV, 5, and a more correct reproduction in my last Paper) ; here we read Pat{a)-ar-asis Kasu-i-was "the Kasian of Patara," which reminds us of Pteria.^ 2. The ideograph in m.-uti-si-ivaji is the cursive form of det. NO. 5 in my table. In the next line it precedes li-wa as in M. XI, 2. 3. The first element in the compound mism-U-tva is a derivative form mis "to build" or " set up," the /noffauv of Greek writers. The plural li-via-s is formed by the suffix m from // "to con- struct " ; the context shows that it must signify "walls " or something similar. The three ideographs with the same suftixes, in each case following the same substantive, leave little doubt as to their meaning. The second is a tree and will therefore denote "wood"; the only question is as to which of the other two is "stone." At first I * The ar is represented by the spear-head which is found in the name of Ar-ga-na (M. IV, A. 2, where in the earher days of my decipherment I erroneously supposed it to be the quiver, the values of which are gal and nu). See also M. XL, 8a. On a seal from Malatiyeh (M. XLHI, 7) we read : Khalma-ar-uan the exalted {isi) prince." 213 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1905. thought the third was intended to be a cut and angular stone, but the bowl inscription (on which see note) proved that it must be the first, the bowl being made of stone and not of terra-cotta. And, in fact, the third ideograph has exactly the same shape as that which represented a brick (and thence a brick-built city) in the primitive hieroglyphs of Babylonia. The ideograph of " stone " seems to have originally represented a square or rectangular stone on a line of pavement or wall. On the Assyrian monuments the battlements of stone-built towers are depicted in the same way. 4. For the reading attu^ see note on M. VI, 2, infra. The form kais shows that mis must here be read is. mis was used as the determinative of the plural, which often ended in s. 5. The ideograph after ahui (or balui) resembles the Egyptian hieroglyph which signifies "to close." The word, however, is found again in M. XXXI, C. 2, where it is written as here, na-a-7va, but with the determinative of "a place of two gates." It would seem, therefore, to denote the flanking towers of a city-gate. It occurs once more in XLVI, 2, 3, na-was " towers (?)," na-wa-tu "of the great tower (?)." misu-is is a derivative from mis " to build." For the reading see note on VI. 4. The ideograph which I have very doubtfully identified with sun "house," is the picture of a roof, or, in the case of a fortified wall or gate, a battlement. 6. Probably to be read attani-iva " I have made of brick." The gate of the caduceus is similarly mentioned on the obelisk of Izgin (M. XIX, C. last line), at Palanga (XX, I, 2, 3), and at Karaburna (XLVI, 2, 3), and in each case is associated with the god Sandes. Sandes is symbolised by the serpent (M. XLI, i) whose coils form the caduceus as in classical art. Apollo gave the caduceus to Hermes, and at Fraktin the god identified by Strabo with Apollo is represented by a boot (Sawa) passing between the world-columns. At Doghanlyderesi (M. XXXVI, B.) the god who carries the caduceus is called KHALMA-a.y/j- "son of Khalma." The thyrsus of Diony.sos is more probably the corn-stalk of Sandes at Ivris (M. XXXIV, A.) than the caduceus.^ ' We could also read y\\-asis, Masis, "the son of Ma," which is a possible name since Hermes was the son of Zeus and Maia. Perhaps it would be convenient to state tiere, once for all, the theological results at which my decipherment has arrived. There were two Ilitlite trinities of divine Mother, 214 Nov. S] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. 7. The same city is mentioned on one of the Carchemish fragments (M. XIII, 2), where Katii is followed by the phonetic complement atu. There was a city of Katara, near Mer'ash. XXXV. On a stone 8 miles east of Ilgin (the ancient Algunia) near Tyriaion on the road from the Sangarius to Konia : I. [Ma?-] mis-s (?) Mamis {?) DET.-AMMA-ID. the prince ANA-[na-was] powerful . . . tu-na-DET.-was wan id. un[naJ of t]ie city of . .tunas, to ivhom the sacred dirk the god [la?]-iD.-u Akasu-kasu-li-me-na-DET.-DET, DET.-isi- has given of the latid of the city of Akasylis, siipreme amma Akasu-kasu-li-DET.-me-na . . uan-uas over the land of the land of the city of Akasylis, the . . ., DET.-iD. isi-me-s-Mis ar(?)-isi-s-DET. det.-amis.-det.-amis the prince exalted, who uplifts for the citizetis . . -a-DET. AM-na-tu(?)-Mi-a-AM a-nu-(?)-KAi (?) of the city of . . . a of the . . image (?) the cross {/), arame-was ara-ma-AMMA- the royal o?ic from the land of 3. wa-m-a id. DET.-ID.-DET.-ID. Akasu -kasu-li-DET. the royal, pri?ice of the princes of Akasylis, Father and Son ; the northern being Amma-Atu or Atu, Sawa-Tarkus and Attys (the Hittite name is still unknown) ; and the southern Khalma, Aramis and Sandes, the Sabazios of the Greeks. The two trinities coalesced in central Asia Minor, though the southern was regarded as the younger of the two. The goat was sacred to Tarkus, the bull to Aramis, the stag to Khalma, and the serpent to Sandes. Sandes was identified with Herakles and Dionysos, and further gave the serpentine caduceus to his father Aramis who was confounded with Hermes. Khalma was identified with Leto, whose name Professor Ramsay with great probability connects with the Lycian /ada "lady." On Dr. Hayes Ward's seal (M. XLI, i) Sandes is symbolised by a serpent with the head of a stag (or is it meant for a bull ?), and I now think that the inscription would most naturally be read : r>KT.-Sa7i-cta 'DV.x:.-A7ial-)/ia-Uana-an-s}i{ox t)tu)-isi "to Sandes the son of Khalma-Uanausus," i.e. "of the land of the sacred Uan-tree." For a suffix -suis cp. kaini-suis and Unntuaii-sitt-an ; if we read -tnitis we might compare the -ixoas of Greek Asianic names. 215 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905, ara-me ara-me-wan atu-balus Tark-ka-mi-is kifig 0/ kings, chief corybant oj the /and of Tarkus, isi ID. atus Kas supreme over the temple-court, lord of Kas. 1. For a more correct copy of this inscription see my paper in the Proceeditigs S.B.A., January, 1904. Further study of the photograph, however, with the assistance of the Ardistama texts, has enabled me to introduce improvements and corrections even into this copy. A character seems to be lost at the beginning, and the character which follows the animal's head may be s. Hence the name is possibly the same as that in the Ardistama inscriptions. The title is literally " the man of the land " with the determinative of "prince." We should doubtless read afi-ai?imi{s). The next character is the ideograph No. 19. The character preceding nd is ///. What I have mistaken for a leg in my copy is really the sacred dirk planted in the quiver. It is followed by traces of the ideograph of "deity" (det. No. 11), by the ideograph of "giving" {la, No. 28) and the vowel u. The first character of the local name is that which is often used to form the word unnakas or uimukasu " a stone," and may be akasu, aksu, or uka. Unfortunately I have no means of determining with certainly which of these different values actually belongs to it, though akasu seems probable. The district in which Tyriaion was situated is called Axylon by Livy {Hist. XXXVIII, 18), quoting doubtless from Polybius. The Greeks naturally explained the name as signifying "Treeless," but, since Akasylis would have appeared as Axylis in Greek, Axylon may have been a Greek assimilation of the original name, as Euxeinos was of Axeinos. The determinative before isi \s the later "word-divider." Before the last character of the line {was) wafi is visible in the photograph. After ivas some characters are missing. 2. At the beginning of this line some characters are missing. The character after me is s. With ar{?)-isis cp. isi-isi, M. X, 2. After afia, instead of the dirk we should read the plough and aua again. In the name of the city we have a character which is 216 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. not a leg, but which the photograph is not sufficiently good to allow me to determine with certainty. In the shaded space I now see a, a, nii (?) and kai. 3. We have Tarka-mis in M. XXXII, 3. Cp. also M. XI, 4.1" The ideograph after isi is that which denotes a " temple-court " in the Ardistama texts (I, 3). The last character but one should be the arm with the dirk. M. XLVI. On a rock to the left of the gate of a fortress near Karaburna on the Arapison north of the Halys. I. w^a-a ma-u na-nas-wa Axu-was Kama-ma-was TJiis place I have fortified {J) being lo7-d of Kama ka(ma)-ma-(m)is-u am-a Si-na-.s ara-mis of the gates the city. (/) Sinas, the king, Si-na-s-m-a-na-is-s iD.-is kal-(m)is ma-u of the land of Sinas the . . . priest : the place na-nas-wa Mis-gha-mis a-M-u wa-amma I have fortified (?) being a Moschian by race ; here Mes-gha-wa i-us-is-mis iD.-a of the Moschians belonging to the high-places ; of... a-me-i-mis Si-na-s-m-a ara-[mis] a citizen, in the land of Sinas king ; 2. ka-[ma] .Si-na-is(a)-tu-i-DET. ka-wa the gate ^^ of Sinas the lord" I have made NA-wa-u-Mi-mi-i na-NA-a-was na-m-a belonging to the toivers {?), (and) the towers (?) of this ma-gha-si Si-na-is-m-a-mis ana-amma fort, being of the land of Sinas king of the land, Te-u-uan-a-na-s-DET. DEX.-Khal-MA-is Khal-gha-na-a-mis of the land of Ty an a, a Khalamife ofthelandofCilicia; mi-was-MA DEX.-na-wa-tu Si-na-s- m-a-na-is-s the gati (?) of the great tower (?) I of the land of Sinas ^" Is Tarkamis the original of the Septuagint Sopyafid in Gen. x, 3, the Togarmah of the Hebrew text being influenced by Ezek. xxvii, 14 ? 217 Nov. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1905. kai-amma Si-na-is-ATUi ka-wa na- as the tvork '^ of Sin as the king" have viade belonging to 3. \va-[mi] na-NA-a-[was] na-m-a ma-gha-si the to7vers(?) {and) the toci'er (?) of this foft, Si-na-is-m-a-mis (a)na-is-s Te-u-uan-[a]-na-s-DET. being of the land of Sinas prince, of the land of Tya?ia, DET.-Khal-MA-is Khal-gha-na-a-mis DET.-na-wa-tu a Khalaniite of the land of Cilicia ; of the great to7t>er (?) \va(jrzV)-is m-a-mis kai-\va (a)gha-is kai-s these foundations I have built, aneiv building kama-iD.-is ana-m-AMMA-m-a ma-a-na-i the gates of the caduceus, to the king of the land DET na-wa-mi . . s . even the god .... belonging to the toiverslj) the . . a-tu-Mis me (?)-i i a-gha-i-MA id.-id great of the . . . . nezu I have dedicated (?). I. I was mistaken in supposing that the character preceding na-nas-wa is a vase. Messerschmidt is right in making it md, and consequently the translation I proposed for nanas-iva here and in the Hamath inscriptions must be cancelled. On the contrary at Hamath nanas-wa is construed, as here, with man, which has the determinative of " country " prefixed to it. Hence ?ianas-iva will signify either (i) "I conquered," "occupied," or (2) "I selected," or (3) "I fortified." I prefer the last, because it seems to be a derivative from the root na, and in lines 2 and 3 of this text we have a word na-ivas from the same root, which must denote some part of the fortifications of the ancient city where the inscription has been found. Thus the Hamath text (M. IV, A.) will be : "I am the supreme lord Artusuanes the mighty, of the land of Yakhana the king ; in the city of Hamath this place I have fortified ; being a Hittite from the land of Arkana. I have built on the high place (which) the Na . . . ian {Natu(?)-ghas) had constructed." In M. Ill, B. 2, we have, not the vase, but the character (ja-u, as in VII, I. i, so that the word is Qu-fU'ta-a-na-s, " of the land of Qumta," the Qmta of Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. Thothmes III, the Kumidi of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, which was near Irqatu, or Arka. The ideograph expressing kamd is found again in a fragment from Carchemish, M. XII, 3, 2, where it is followed by qa-ama-iva. The title is consequently the same as that represented in M. XI, 3 by the double gate {kama-a-ivas^ or kamiss-a-ivas) and must signify *'(the king) of the iwo-gated city." Kama may be the origin of the name of Coma-na, — Kammana and Qumana in Assyrian. At all events the leader of the mercenaries in the Hittite army at Kadesh was Kamaiz, that is, " he of the gate-city," while one of the mural goddesses in the train of the goddess of Eyuk at Boghaz-Keui seems to have borne the name of Kamme (M. XXIX, 16). The Kamissa of M. XXXI, A. 2 shows that we must read Kama-md-mis-ii^ Kamisu. Cp. the classical name of the district Khama-ne-ne, in which Karaburna seems to have been. The name of Sinas was preserved in Saniana and Sanisene. Notice the difference in the final s according as it is followed by a vowel or a consonant. Manais, I believe, means "native-born," and is literally "of the land of the place." Cp. amd-na, " of the country of the city," in M. XXXIII, 2. We find ana-jne-s m-a-na-is in M. XXXII, 4, where the meaning seems to be "the king of the land," "the native king," and in M. IV, B. 2, we have m-a-na-nas followed by the determinative of "country." (The preceding word ma-s-na is the accusative of the word for "seat," the sentence reading, "the sacred seat I, a native Hittite, have made.") The head of the hare is also found in M. XIX, B. 7, "the . . of the nine sacred cities." We must read kails since we have ka-kal{i)-s in M. XXI, 2. The name of the Moschians is written Mis-kasu-ka-s-na-is, that is Miska-s-nais, in M. XXXII, 4. The mural goddess who follows the twin goddesses of Eyuk at Boghaz-Keui is Mis-kas (M. XXIX, 14). Perhaps here the name represents Mazaka rather than the tribe of Moschi. 2. The compound word is the name of the gate. Nawau-mi agrees with Sinais{a)tui. Naiva-s is an ace. pi. In M. XXXI, C. 2 the word is accompanied by an ideograph representing "a place" and "two gates." See note on II, 5 above. Ma-gha-si being written phonetically would seem to be a borrowed word, like agha, Assyrian akha. It is, in fact, an exact 219 Nov. 8] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. transliteration of the Assyrian makhazi " fortress." Another word of the same class is ti-gha-wi, also written ta-g/ia-wa (M. XXXII, 3, 5), where the variant vowel of the first syllable would of itself indicate borrowing. In the geogaphical list of Thothmes III the word "twofold" is attached to the name Khalka (No. 140) which follows Arzkna or Araziq opposite Carchemish, indicating that there was another Khalka elsewhere. The Khalka of Thothmes corresponds with the Chalkis of classical geography, the district in which Aleppo, which stood on the Chains, was situated. And now my decipherment of the Hittite texts similarly shows that besides Khalma of Khalmana or Aleppo, there was also a Khalma of Cilicia. Khalma, in fact, appears to have been tne goddess of the river Chalus, perhaps born of it as Nana the mother of Attys was born of the Sangarius or Snjur, while Khal-gha would also be "son of Khal." Mi-was must be the same word as meuwa/i, mxia-i "gate-place." Nawatu is clearly a compound of nawa and atii, as anamatii is of anama-atu . 3. N'a-is-i takes the place of the ideograph of "king" in line 2, and would therefore appear to stand for anais. But after s a character appears to be lost, and as / must precede a vowel or sibilant it is probably is, so perhaps we should read {a)naisis "son of princes." For the "caduceus" see note on II, 6. With anamma inanai cp. ana-7iie-s m-a-nd-is, M. XXXII, 4. On the squeeze the picture of a stela (?) is plainly visible. The last ideograph is that which also terminates the Bulgar Maden inscription (M. XXXII, 5). M. VI and V. From Hamath : V is a continuation of VI : — I. A-me Ar-(a)tu-su-uan-ARA-ATU-s A-na a-wa-s lam Artiisuanes the powerful, I-ghan-a-na-DET. aramis am-a of the laud of Yahhdna the king ; belonging to the city AM-ama-MA-[ti-wa]-s kai-s isi-ma of Hamath ; who has made the high-place [tir?]-a . . was of tJic sanctuary (?) {a7id) the . . . Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. mi (^?)-\vas-mi-is was-mi-mis at-ta-mis belofiging to the gates (?) these (?) ; 7vho has built with brick 2. me-wa A-ma-MA-ti iD.-iD.-MA-ara-me-nun-un-uii of tJie gate of HamatJi the royal palace^ am-a DET.-Na-iD.-na ka-amma-ma of the city of the goddess Na?i a the gate DET.-iD.-si-wan unna-s-wan, i-us-i-ma belonging to the fetish{es) of the gods, {a fid) the altar wa-m-a unna-s-\van DET.-Am-ma-ar-mi-is at-ta- here of the gods : I an Amorite building 7vith 3. a-mis DET.-Atn-ma-ar-mi-is-i iD.-wa-ma-mis DET.-iD.-a- bricks for the Amoriteis) in this place have kasu-wa aramis-ma wa-AMMA-m-a-mis Khatt-i-s built of stone a royal city : I of this place a Hittitc, aram (?)-i-is DET.-Am-ma-ar-mi-is iD.-wa-ma det.-id -wa the king (?) Amorite, here have fashioned (it), a-un-ma ta-? DET.-iD.-m-a DET.-Sanda-kasu where formerly (?) had fashioned {it) Sanda-kasu aramis (?) . . id. (of the sun) the king(^) . . . 4. wa-iMis-su-mis-u me-iu ammi-atu-ta a-nu-Mis Of these Q) gates i?i the king's land the crosses, iD.-ma-MA Uan-iD.-nu-mis-wa-MA aramis-ma for Aramis, of the people of Uan {in) the royal city, atu-\van-atu-\van A!\i-ama-wa A-ma-a the very great, {even) of Ammi i?i the city iD.-iD.-me-Mi-waii iD.-wan the place of the sac?-ed bull fetish {and) the {saci'ed) throne 5. s atu-nu iD.-na-u id. \_I have bull t'\ the royal granaries of the fetish, Uan-iD.-iD.-nu-mis-\va-!MA Aram-m.a-ma ama of the people of Uan the place of Aramis in the city. Nov, 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. V. T. DET.-Am-ma-ar-mi-is-m-a {of Aramis) of the Amorite land DET.-Katu(me ?)-wa the Cataonian god, ana-me-\va the princely, atu-wa the great. Ama-ma- over the latid of 2. ta-wa-m-a atu-wa mis-ta wa-Mis-su-misu me-iu-Mis Hamath supreme, hi the building (?) of these (?) gates iD.-ma-ASi-m the sacred throne, su-uan-\va-DET. I have built, mis-ta-m-a the . . . place AM-ama-nas being an Animian AM-ama-wa of Anuni ama- by mis ux-na-i s (?)-u-det. am-mis a-m-a race, for the gods, the creators i^') of the cities of myself ana-me-\va the princely atu-wa the supreme. VI, i.^i Mr. Mocatta's casts have enabled me to improve and correct Messerschmidt's copy of this inscription in many respects, more especially in the first and third lines. The reading of the phonetic characters in the name of the king is given by the two ideographs which follow them and which signify " the great chief." The head which here represents the idea of " chief " has the value of ara, while the arm with a dirk denotes both atu and ana. Among the phonetic characters the second is usually atu, but as it denotes ■ the goddess Amma, it is possible that it might also be pronounced avima. The knife, as we shall see, has the value of su as well as mu. Hence we get Aratu-su-uan or Artu-sun, which reminds us of ' the Arteanu of the Assyrian inscriptions and the Artamanya or Artawanya of the Tel el-Arnarna tablets (Winckler 161). In writing the ideographs the scribe seems to have regarded the final nans as a suffix attached to the nominative Artus. The final -s appears to have been etymological, being dropped in pronunciation, as in the name of Kuaruwan (from the name of the deity Quera), but a short vowel {a) may have been understood between the n and , J- as in the Egyptian mode of writing. ^' I have given the readinfj of this line from the original in the Museum at Constantinople, where the characters I have transcribed are clear. 222 Nov. 8] THE niTTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. Am means " ox " and " calf," symbolised by the horns which doubtless had another pronunciation when signifying "horns." Kais isi-ma is clear on the original. The three (or two) next characters are lost. For mi-ivas see note on M. XLVI, 2. It is followed by mi-is was-mi-inis atta-ta-mis. For atta-niis, written atta-mis {atta-is f) we have in XI, 2 id.-?^-atu ; in lines 2, 3 of this inscription it is at-ta-a-viis. In M. IV, A. and B. 2 the name of Hamath is written with at-ta. There is nothing lost at the beginning of the next line. 2. The ideograph which follows Aviati aramis is hopelessly obliterated. After me we have the vase which must have the value of nun when used to express the name of the Sun-god (see XI, 5) ; aramenun will be the phonetic equivalent of the three preceding ideographs and tin or u.-iD.-?-is consecrated stehe (?) ^" ^^ So on the cast. *" On the cast the fust character is tu, followed by the wheel No IS 19 2u -J! ;■: •:;. •:4 5^ ^^ i^e cast. 230 wa-ne-ne wine. ID,- . . -wa / have poured out mis-[mis] .... setting up ... . Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [i905> ni(?)-a-nii-i na-mi-i DET.-Ana-amma for the place (?) of this Prince-god Div. ma-[wa]-is-na-s-DET. Div. i2-j-us(?)-is2''-mi-i of the chapels (?) am-a dh'. San-da-wan-iD.-wa-s-wa-DET. DET.-un-wa in the city of the Saiidonians' god, DIV. iD-unun(?)-iD. ne-i-n-u-nu div. iD.-nun-uan-iD.-nun-uan a Suti-syml)ol (J) 5. a-UNUN-mis DIV. na-mi-is a-na-was UN-na-was erecting (?). This {is) the Prince- gods DIV. a-si-is m\. amm-a-i wa-m-a-mis-DET, sacred-stone for the land set up here DIV. ta- cjha-was-^ Kai^S-s kama-DET. belonging to the Iwiindarv (?). Making the gate DIV. . . -iu ana-m(?)-AMM(?)-m(?)-wan DET.-Sanda-wa-'^ . , . belonging to the Pritice, the place of Sandes UN-na-\va-^-ma div. kama div. KATU-u-[ka?]-tu30 the god, (and) the gate of the Katu iniage\s\ DET.-iD.-m-a-wan-MA UN-na-ka-tu-KATU- belonging to the goddess . . ma, both belongijig to the place ma-s-m-[a]-wan-Mis iD.-tu~" DET.-Khal-m-a of the Cataonian deities, this (?) silver to Khalma ID.- . . m-iu / have dedicated (?). I. This seems the ktest in the date of the Hittite inscriptions, and with its phonetic rather than etymological spelling and super- fluous determinatives is very difficult to translate. INIy attempt at interpretation must be considered as tentative only. Sanda-wan-iva-s ^^\\it of the Sandian city"; in line 4 we have 25 20 27 23 29 30 gg ^^ ^J^g j,g^g[_ 231 Kov. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1905. the genitive of a further adjectival formation Sa?ida-wa?i-7cas-7va {i.e., Sandaua-)ia\. be read here, and perhaps we should read afjia instead of " det." after it. 4. The ideograph denoting " to pour out " is the picture of a liquid flowing out of a tilted basin. Wa?tc)ic must be what is poured out, and it is natural therefore to connect it with olvo'f, Arm. ghiiy Heb.Trt' )•/;/. Mami is probably connected with mamwan-zvi in line 3. Mihva{})is!ms may be a compound, of which the first element is the md-i-wa of M. I, 3. The ideographs at the end of the line have been explained by the unpublished inscription at Constantinople, No. 837. 5. Ana-m-i^UM-j?i-wan ; so in Hogarth's copy. The cast throws no light on the passage. Unna-Katiimas-ma-ivan "belonging to the place of the Cataonian god(s)." Kahimas-ma is a formation similar to arauiis-md " the capital," and mis must be the determinative of plurality. The following ideograph represents a ball of metal being thrown from a scoop into a hand held out to receive it. It may, therefore,- signify a silver-mine or foundry rather than the metal itself. The final verb is the same as that which comes at the end of the Karaburna inscription (M. XLVI, 3). Mr. Hogarth's copy gives i-7i as the suflix, but the cast is not clear and it may be /-[7£'«]. I-71 would be parallel with -wa-u-i in M. XXXIII, 4. Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1905- VOCABULARY. A Aba-kalu-s " high-priest," IX, 2. Aba-kalu-wan, ace, IX, 5 (probably pronounced Aba- kaluan). Aba-ka-li-ni-s " high-priestly," XJ, 3. Abu "corybant," XI, 2. :\Iay be read balu. Au-me-s " priest," XXXI, A. Au-m-gal-a-s " Aingolas," Ass. Mugalli, XXXIII, A. i. A compound of auin{es) and galis {kalis). Perhaps to be read Aumenuas, Greek Eumenes. Au-m-gal-a-is " of the city of A.," XXXII, 2. Au-m-gal-a-si-s " son of A., " XXXII, I. Au-m-gal-a-wana-AMis " be- longing to (city of) A.," gen., XXXII, 3. A-gha-s " new," Ass. akha, XXXIII, A. 4 (used ad- verbially). A-gha-s, VII, I. 2. (A)gha-is, XLVI, 3. (A)gha-i-ina " new place,' XLVI, 3. A-[gha]-na-is " renewing,' XXXII, 3. A-gha-wan, ace, XXXII, 2. Akasu-kasu-li-me-na, XXXV, I, 3. Probably the classical Axylon. Am "land of Am," cuneiform Am, Am mi, X, i. AM-ama-nas " an Ammian," V, 2. AM-ama-wa " of Am," VI, 4 ; V, 2. A-me-i " I(am)," II, i ; VII, i. 1 ; IX, 1 ; XV, I ; XXI, i. A-me, VI, I. A-ma-a " for me," V, 3. Amis "city," A-am-[mis], IX, i. Ama-a, oblique case, VI, i, 2 ; XXI, 4 ; XXXII, i ; XXXIII, A. 2,3; XLVI, I. A-(a)ma, XI, 2. A-mu, XI, 4. Ama, VI, 5. M-a-DET. " for a city," II, 3 ; for (A)ma. A-mis "by origin," XXI, 6. For amc-i-was, ame-is. A-M-u "by race," XLVI, i. Literally "by city." A-mis " cities," XXXII, 2. Am-mi-i-s "cities," XV, 2. Am-Mis-mis, A'', 3. Am-mi-wan, ace, II, 2. Ama-a-iD.-na " of the city land," XXXII, 2. Ama-a-mis "citizen," XXXII, I. Or " countryman " ? 234 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905- [Am]-ma-mis, XXXII, 3. Ama-a-mis-su-si-is " son of the citizen," XXI, 2. A-am(a)-niis-iMis " belonging to the city," II. i. A-AMMA-mis, XXXI, A. Ama-a-si-was "citizen," XXI, 3. A-me-i-mis "citizen," XLVI, i. A-mi-is-me-s "citizen," IX, 5; XV, 2. Perhaps for aini- si-mes. Ami-s-ma-mis, XXXII, A. 2. Probably nid is merely a determinative here. A-am-me-Mis-was " belonging to the city," IX, 2. A-mis-vvan, ace, XI, 3. To be read atni-wan. Am-es-Na-a-na " city of goddess Nana," XI, 5. Ame-s-Wan-wan-ni-mi-i "for him of the city of the Sun-god," II, 6. Am-mi " for the land," XI, 4. Amm-i, II, 4; VI, 4; XXI, 5; XXXII, 5. Amm-a-i " for the land," XXXII, 5. Am-ma-a "in the land," VI, 4. Amma, XXXV, i. Am-Mi-m-a-mis-i " for the peo- ple," II, 6. A-amma-wa-iD.-s " belonging to the land," VII, I, i. Cp. Mitannian umi-ni "coun- try," Vannic eba-ni "coun- try." Ama-ma-ta-wa-m-a "in the land of the Hamathites," V, i. A-ma-ma-ti " of Hamath," VI, 2. AM - ama - ma - [ti - \va] - s " the Hamathite," VI, i. Ama-DET. " artificial bull," IX, 4. Am-ma-ar-mi-is "Amorite," VI, 2, 3- Am-ma-ar-mi-is-i " for the A.," VI, 3- Am-ma-ar-mi-is-m-a " of the Amorite land," V, i. A-na-s "lord," XXXIII, A. 2. Ana-s, XXI, 3. Anas, XXI, 2. A-na "prince," X, 7; XXI, 5,6. A-na-DET., X, 8. A-na, XXI, 4. A-na-is "princely one," XXXII, 2 ; XXXIII, A. 2. A-na-is-is, XXXIII, A. 3. (A)na-is-s, XLVI, 3. A-na-DET.-was " powerful," "lord," XI, 3. ANAWA-S, XXI, 2. Ana-was, X, 7 ; XXXII, 5. A-na-a-wa-s, VI, i. A-na-a-wa-s, XXI, i. ANA-na-a-wa-s', VII, I, i. A NA-n a-na-a-wa-s, XXXI, A. ; XXXIII, A. 2. ANA-na-na-a-wa-s, XXXII, i. Ana-wan-a-s " of the royal land," XXI, 3. Ana-wan-a-wan-a-s " of the land of those of the Royal land," XXI, 3. A-ni-i-wan " powerful," ace, 11, 2. Or should we read ana-ni-wan ? 235 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY, [1905. Ana-me-is "prince," XXXII, 3. A-na-mis, XXI, 4, 5. Ana-me-s, XXXI, A; XXXII, 4- Ana-m-AMMA-m-a " for the prince," XLVI, 3. Ana-amma, XXXII, 4 : XLVI, 2. Ana-mi-wan, ace, XXXII, 2. Ana-m-AMM-me-wan, XXXII, 5- Ana-me-yK?) "for the prince," XXXII, 3. Ana-me "of princes," XXI, 4. Ana-me-i-was "princely," XXI, 4- Ana-me-was, XXI, 7. Ana-me-\va V, r, 3. Ana-m-AMMA-m-a-mis " belong- ing to the royal land," XI, 5. A-na-am-AMMA-mis, I, 3. Ana-me-ma-a-mis, XXXII, 3. Ara-me-ma "royal place," XXXII, 3. Anam-i-ma, XXXII, 2. A-na-m-a-tu " for the great prince," I, 3. A-na-me-i " a prince am I," X, 2; XXXII, I, 3. A-nu-wa " I strengthened," A'll, I. 2. See 7Ui-niis. iD.-A-nu-ma "place of cross," IX, 4. A-nu-Mis " crosses," VI, 4. Anu-Mis, X, 6. A-nu(?)-KAi(?), XXXV, 2. Ar.i-a-ma "of the god Aramis," XXI, 6. Ara-me " of Aramis," X, 2. Aram-ma-MA " of the city of A," VI, 4, 5. Ara-me-s "king," IX, 2; XXXI, A. Ara-mi-is, XXXII, i. Ara-mi-i-s, II, 1 : XXI, i. Aram-i-is, ^'I, 3. Ara-mi-s, XXI, 4. Ara-mi-s, XXXIII, A, i. Ara-mis, IX, 2 ; XLVI, i. Arami-s, XI, 3. Aramis, VI, i, 2 ; XXI, 3. Ara-mi-i, obi. case, II, 2 ; XXXII, 2. Aram-i, II, 4. Ara-(am)mi(s), X, 2. Ara-me, XXXV, 3. Ara-me-wan " of kings," XXXV, 3. Aramis-ma "capital, VI, 3, 4. Aram-is-ma, II, 3, 4; XXXIII, A. 3. Ara-me- was "royal," X, 5. Arame-was, XXX\', 2. Ara-me-i-wan, ace, II, 2. Arame-wan, IX, 3. Ara-me-nun-un-un " royal palace," "\^I, 2. Ara-am-asi "royal," XXI, 5. Ara-ma-AMMA-wa-m-a "of the land of the royal" (or "of the people of Aramis '"), XXXV, 2. Aram-a-mis-wa-MA "of those of the royal land " XXXII, 2. Ara-am-asi "royal," XXI, 5. Aram-is-i " for the king's people," II, 6. Ara-me-s-.Mis-am-m-a " the King of the Land," IX, 3. J36 Nov. S] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905- Aram-is-Mis-am-m-a, IX, 3. Aramis-Mis-am-m-a-mi-[i-is] " belonging to the K.," IX, 5- Ara-a-kal-mi-i "royal"? XXXII, 3. Perhaps to be read Ara-kali-mi " of chief priest." But the copies vary. Ara-wan-na-is-me-nas "of the city of the royal land," XXXI, 4.31 Ara-DET.-iD.-wan " belonging to the chief dirk-bearer," XI, 2 ; with the stem ara cp. Vannic eri-las " king." Ar(?)-isi-s "uplifter," XXI, 5; XXXV, 2. See isi^isi. Ar-(a)tu-su-uan-ARA-ATU-s, Ar- tusuan king of Hamath, VI, I. A-si-is " sacred stone," XXXII, 5. A-sis-is-na-s "of the land of the sacred stone," XXXII, 3. Asi-wan, ace, XI, 3. A-siUN, XXXIII, A. 4. Asi-s-si-i "of those of the sacred stone," XV, i. Or perhaps asi-si-i. Atu " great," X, 2 ; XXXV, 3. ATU, X, 4; XI, 5. Atu-is, IX, 5. Atu-i-was "the great," X, 7. Atu-was "great one," "lord," XXI, 4, 7; XLVI, I. Atu-wa, V, I. Atu-\va " supreme," V, 2, 3. Atu-wan-atu-vvan " very great," VI, 4. Atu-i "of great ones," XXI, 4. A-tu-ta "in the great," II, 4; VI, 4. Atu-mis "lord," II, 6. Atu-i-mis " belonging to the goddess Atu," XXXI, A. ; or simply " lord " ? A-ru-mis, XLVI, 3. Atu-(a)m-me-i-\van " royal," II, 2. Atu-me-i "great am I," X, 4, 8. Ata-mes "supreme over," XXXII, 3. Ata-(m)is " making great," XXI, 6. A-tu-na-i " for him of the land of Atu," I, 3. Atu-gal "high-priest," VI, 5. See Aba-kali. For atii compounded with anamis see anam-atu. Attu-ATU-m-a "of brick," XI, 2. Attu-si-i "of brick," II, 4. At-ta-a-mis "building of brick," VI, 2. At-ta-mis, VI, i. ^' At Fraktin (M. XXX) we read : KV.K-ar-wan-'!^ .\-ta " in the royal land (Arinna and Ama in the cuneiform) the god(s) I have [sculptured?]." The Jebusite Aravnah, whose name is so variously spelt, seems to bear the Hittite name of Ara-wan-nas "the kingly one" (2 Sam. xxiv, 23). The inscriptions at Fraktin are: (i) " the god Siu " (or Suwas) between the two world-columns attached to the figure of the god ; (2) " the goddess Atu " attached to the figure of the goddess ; (3) " the high-priest of the high-place of Amma " {isi-ma amma- via-me aba-kali) attached to the figure of the high-priest. 237 S Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1905. Atta-a-ni-wa " I have built of brick," II, 6. Attu-mis-wan-mis "he of the city of the brickmakers," XXI, 4. A-wan-ma "where," VI, 3. See wan. Balu, see abu. B G For gal, galis, see kalis. Gha-li-a " I have nourished," "provided," XXI, 5. Ghal-H-a, X, 6. Ghalu-i-mes "providing," I, 3. iD.-Gha-[li]-n"ie-mu-s-i " of those of the corn-land," XXI, 4. Or gha[li-]me-su-s-i. KH Khalu-khal-gha-a-na-i-is "a Halys-Cilician," XXI, i. Khal-gha-na-a-mis " Cilician," XLVI, 2, 3. Khal-gha-i, obi. case of Khal- ghais, XXI, 6. Khal-gha-wan, XXXIII, A. 2. Khal-MA-s "goddess Khalma," XI, 5- Khal-m-a "to Kh," XXXII, 5. Khal-MA, X, 3. Khal-MA-is "the Khalmian," XI, 3; XLVI, 2, 3. Khal-MA-me-s " the Akhlam- ite," IX, 2 ; XI, i. Khal-MA-me-wan, IX, 4. Khal-MA-m-m-isi " son of the Akhlamite," I, 3. Khal-MA-m-m-isi-:MA, XXXII, 2. Perhaps to be divided Khalmamvie. isima " high- place of the Akhlamite." Khal-[MA]-sar(?)-me, king of Car- chemish X, i. Khatta-i-s "Hittite," VI, 3. Khat-ti-is(?)-i-s "son of the H.," XV, I. Khat-ta-gha "of the H.," xxr, 5. [Khat-] ta-[m]-a "of H. land," XI, I. Khat-ta-wan-a-wan " belonging to the Hittites," XI, 2. Cp. ana-wa-na-wa-nas and Sanda-wa-n-was. Khatt-i-nas "of the Hittite land," xxr, 4. Khat-atu-me-MA " the city of Khatum," XI, 2. I-ghan-ana " of the land of Vakh- an," A^I, I. iD.-i-is-m-a "place of the obehsk"' or "boundary stone," XXXII, 3. Iru-nu-mis ". . strengthening," XXXII, 2. A compound of nu-iuis. Ir-katu-nas "of the land of Irkat," VII, I. I. Isi "supreme," XXXV, i, 3. Isi-abis {or balus) " chief cory- bant," XXX\', 3. Isi-s " high," II, 3, 4. Isi-me-s " exalted," XXXV, 2. Isi-me-is, XXI, 4. 238 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. Is(i)-ma " high-place," VI, I, XXI, 6. Is-s-AMMA-raa, XXI, 5. I-isi-si-ma-i "of the high- place," XXI, 5. Is-si-ma-a-ta "on the high- place," IX, 4. I-isi-si-m-a-na-i " for him of the high-place," XXI, 6. Isi-isi "who raises," "makes grow," X, 2. See ar(?)4si. Isi-Tarkus, I, 3. I-us-i-ma "high-place," "chapel," XI, 2, 3; VI, 2. I-us-i-ta "in the chapel," I, 3 ; VII, I. 2. I-us-i-Mi "of the chapel," XT, 5. Or is it the same word as the next ? I-us-is-mi-i " of him of the chapels," XXXII, 4. I-us-is-mis "he of the chapels," XLVI, I. I-us-is-mis-i "for him of the chapels," XV, Or "for the chapels," mis being the ideograph of plurality. \^rust is a lengthened form of isi ; the "chapel" or "high- place " is ideographically denoted by the altar is, No. 5.] I-us-iD.-iD. "a Stella (?)," XXXII, 2. K Kai-wa " I have made," I, 3. Kai-DET.-wa, II, 3, 4. Kai-wa-a, XXI, 6. Ka-wa, XLVI, 2, 3. Kai-wi " he had made," XI, 4. Kai-is-Mis "making," II, 2. Kai-i-(m)is, II, 4. Kai-s, A^I, I ; XI, 4, 5, 6 ; XXXII, 5 ; XLVI, 3. Kai-(m)is, XXI, 6. Kai-i-a-(m)is, IX, 4. KAi-ka-s, XI, 4. Kai-i-(m)is-kai-i-(m)is "causing to make," XV, 2. Kai-amma "the work," XLVI, 2. Literally " built place." Kai-DET.-ma "form," "struc- ture," IX, 4. KAi-ka-(w)i-vvan "work," ace. I, 3- Kai-wi-nas-+-wa " I have con- structed," XXXI, A. Ka-KALi-s "priest," XXI, 2. Ka-li, XI, 4. Kalu-Mis "priests," XI, 5. Kali-wan-yi (?), XXXII, 3. I do not understand this form. Kali-(m)is "priest," XLVI, i. Kal-li-ni " priestly," XI, 4. Kali-na-s "of the priests'land," XXXII, I ; XXXIII, A. I. Kal-kasu-a-na-.s "the Kalkasian," XXI, 2. Probably pro- nounced Kalkas-ua-nas. Kal-kasu-a-na-is, XXI, i. Kal-kasu-a-ni-s, II, i. Kal-kasu-a-wan-nas {i.e., Kal- kasua-UAN-nas), XXI, 5. Kal-kasu-a-wan-wa-mis " be- longing to the Kalkasians," XXI, 5. Kama " gate," II, 6, 7 ; XXXII, 5 ; XLVI, 2. Ka-amma-ina, VI, 2. 39 s 2 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. Kami-Mi-su-i-s " belonging to the gates," IT, 5. Kama-ma-(m)is-u " of the gates," XLVI, i. Kama-iD.-is " the fortified gates," XLVI, 3. Kamis-a-was "belonging to the two-gated city," XI, 3. Ka-mis-KAMA, XXXII, 3. Kama-ma-\vas "of the city of Kama," XLVI, i. The classical Khanima-nene. Kar-ka-me-is, Orchemish, X, i. Kar-[ka]-me-si-wa-DEi .-s, " Car- chemishian," IX, i, 2. Kar-ka-me-si-was, XI, 3. Kar-ka-me-si - \va - det. - wan, ace, IX, 5. Kar-ka-me-is-m-a " of C," XI, 2. Kar-qa-ma-isi " of the son of C," I, 3. For Karqamis-si. Kas, Cappadocia, X, i ; XXXV, 3- Kasu, X, 3. Kasu-wi-i " of K.," XXI, 4. Kas-es "Kasian," IX, i. Kas-was, XI, 3. Kasu-wa-i " of the Kasian," XXI, 6. Kas-was-ma, XXXII, 2. Kas-wan-na-s " Kasite," IX, 2. Ka-si- . . . . " (for the people) of Kas," XXXI, A. Kasu-su(?)-s "son of Kas," XXI, 6. Kas-KASU-s-ma " for," I, 3. Literally " in tlie work," "naatier of." Kasu-ma, XXI, 5. KATU "seated image of deity," XI, 5. Katu-s-ma " image-niches," VII, I. 2. KAT-u-[ka ?]-tu, XXXII, 5. Katu-mi-i-is-s "Cataonian," XXI, I. Katu-mi-is-s, XXXII, 3. Katu-mi-is-s-i "of C," XXI, 5,6. Katu(me)-wa "ofC. god," V, i. Katu-na "of the C," IX, 5. See Unna-Katu-mas. Katia-tira(?)-ama-wan, city, II, 7. La(l)"given,"X, 3. La-wi "he has given," IX, 2. Li-wa " I have constructed," XI, 3^ DET.-Li-wa, II, 3; X, 2 ; XV, 3. Li-ma-a-s " walls," II, 3, 5. M Ma "place," XI, 5. Ma-u or Mu "place," "coun- try," XLVI, I. See M. Ill, B. 2. Ma-u-tu " of these lands," XXI, 3. M-a-DET. "for a city," II, 3. See (a) ma. Ma-i-wa(s) " halls (?)," I, 3. MA-MI, XXI, 3. M-a-mi-i "for the place (?)," XXXII, 4. M-a-mis " places," " founda- tions," XLVI, 3. M-a-na-is " belonging to the land," "native," XXXII, 4; 240 Nov. S] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. XLVI, 3. See M. IV, B. 2. Perhaps for (a)manais. Ma-a-na-i, obi. case, XLVI, 3. Cp. Ama-na. Ma-gba-si "fort," XLVI, 2, 3. Ass. makhazi. Ma-m-wan-yi (?), XXXII, 3. Perhaps " belonging to the place." Ma-ID. -ma-ne-i-mis " of the city Mamanes," XXI, 5. Ma-ar gha-asis " of Mer'ash," XXI, 2. Ma-[ar]-gha-si-s', XXI, 2, Mar-gha-si-i-is, XXI, i. Mar-gha-si-s-is " son of a Mer'ashian," XXI, 3. iD.-Ma-asi-m " sacred throne," V, 2 . For Masi-ma ; see M. IV, B. 2 : (ace.) ma-s-na. Mas(?)-i-nas "seated on the throne," XXI, 4, Ma-[wa]-is-na-s, XXXII, 4. Cp. inai-was. Me-iu "gate(s)," VI, 4. See mau. Me-iu-Mis "gates," V, 2. Me-(m)is "mine," II, 6. Read mis. Meu-un-DET. "gate-place," ace. XXXII, 2. Meu-un, II, 4. Me-wa, VI, 2. M-ua-i "of the gate-place," 11,5. Mi-was-MA, XLVI, 2. Mi(?)-was-nii-is, VI, i. Mis-Mis-[wa] " I erected," VII, 1. 2. Mis-Mis-wau-i " I have erected," XXXIII, A. 4. Mis-mis-MA " erecting," XXXII, 3. Here ma is a determinative. Mis-ni-li-wa " I have built," II, 3. Compound of li-wa and ftuaavv. Mis-mi-su-i-s " of buildings," 11,5- Mis-gha-mis "Moschian," XLVI, I. Mes-gha-wa " of the M.," XLVI, I. Mis-KASU-ka-s-na-is " of Ma- zaka(?)," XXXII, 4. Mis-ta "in the building," V, 2. From mis "to build." Mis-ta-m-a, V, 2. Cp. Ardistama, 1, I, mis-ta-amma. Mu-ta-a-li-si " son of Mutalli," X, 7. N Na-NA-a-was " towers (?)," XLA'I, 2, 3- Na-wa-tu " great tower (?)," XLVI, 2, 3. Na-wa-u-mi-i " belonging to the towers (?)," XLVI, 2. Na-nas-wa " I fortified (?)," XLVI, I. Na-iD.-na " Nana the goddess of grain," VI, 2. See Ames- Nana. iD.-na-u "of granaries," VI, 5. Perhaps "store-towers." Na-mi-is "this," XXXII, 5. na-m-a " of this," XV, 3 ; XLVI, 2, 3. na-mi-i, XXXII, 4. na-m-au "of these," XI, 4. Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905- na-m, ace. XXXI, A. na-mi-wan, XXXII, 2. Ni-m-a "here(?)," XI, 5. Nu-mis "strengthening," XXXII, 2. For anu-mis. nu-i-Mis, XXXII, 3. nu-mi-i, XXXII, 3. Sanda-s " Sandes," II, 2, 6. Sanda-da-\va, gen. XXXII, 2, 5. Sanda-\vi-i, dat. I, 3 ; II, 4. To be read Sandayi. Sanda-da-mis-si-i "for him of the land of S.," XXI, 5. Sanda-da-au-i-s " a Sandian," XXXI, A. Sanda-da-wan-\va-iD.-s " of the city of S.," "a Sandonian,"' XXXII, I. Sanda-da-wan-iD.-wa-s-wa " of (god) of the Sandonian city," XXXII, 4. Sanda-da-was-wan " belonging to Sando(n)," ace. XXXIII, A. 3. For Sandaua-siua-n. San da-da- waii-gha-s, king's name, XXXI, A. Means " son of Sando(n)"; Greek Sandokos. Sanda-da-au-ti-s, royal name, XXXII, I. Sanda-kasu-* . ., name, VI, 3. Sanda-*m-m-a-ni-s " of tlie city of Sanda-*mis," II, i. 6. Sanda-*m-m-ani, II, 4. Sanda-*m-me-Katu-mi-i-is-s " a Cataonian of S.," XXI, i. Sanda-*m-me-Katu-mi-i-si-is "son of a C. of S.," XXI, I. 242 Sanda-*m-me-Katu-mi-is-si-is, XXI, 2. [San ?]-ga-ra(?)-a-s, IX, i. Sar "love(?),"X, 5. iD.-si " for the dance," XI, 4. si-i-u " for the dancers," XXI, 6. Si-na-.s, royal name, XLVI, i. Si-na-s-m-a "from land of S," XLVI, I. Si-na-is-m-a-mis " of land of S.," XLVI, 2, 3. Si-na-s-m-a-na-is-s " native of land of S.," XLVI, i, 2. See manais. The suffix -na{is) is attached to Sinas- ma. Si-na-is-(a)tu-i "of S. the king," XLVI, 2. Si-na-is-ATUi, XLVI, 2. S(?)-u "create," VI, 4. Su-uan-wa " I built," V, 2. Sun-un-wa " of the temple," IX, 3- Sunna-wi " for the temple," XI, 4. Sun-na-\vas " belonging to the temple," IX, 3. Sun-na-u-is (?)-ma, XI, 2. Sun-un-was-ma, XI, 3. Sunna-me-s " temple -man," XV, I. Sun-un-na(?)-[\va?], XY'', 3. Sun (?)-am-ni-is "battlement- ed(.?)," II, 5. T Ta-gha-was " belonging to the boundary (?)," XXXII, 5. Ti-i-gha-\vas, XXXII, 3. Nov. S] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. Ti-gha-wi, dat. XXXII, 3. Borrowed from Assyrian takJminc. Ta-* " formerly (?)," VI, 3. Tarku-s, god, XI, 5. Tarka-ka-is-na " of the land of the Tarkians," XI, 4. Tarka-ka-mi-is " a Tarkian," XXXV, 3. Tir(?)-a-ma "sanctuary," IX, 5 ; XI, 2 ; XXI, 5. Tir(?)a-s-MA " sanctuaries," XXXII, 4. Tir(?)-a-mis " belonging to the S.," XXXI, 4. Tir(?)a-Mis "sanctuaries," X, 5. -Tu " this," suffix, XXI, 3 ; XXXII, 5. Tu-a-uan-a-na-s "Tyanian," XXXIII, A. I. Tu-u-uan-a-na-s, XLVI, 2, 3. Tua-na-i " of Tyana," XXXII, i> 3- Tu-TUANA, XXXII, 3. Tua-na-wan "Tyanian," ace, XXXII, 3. Tu-a-tu-s, Tuates, II, i. U U " one," " a," XXI, i, &c. Uan " the uan-\x^^" X, 2, Lite- rally "the divine (tree)." UANA-si-i " of wood," II, 3. Uanna (uana) or Unna (una) " god " ; cp. Mitannian ene. Unna "of the god," XXI, 5. Un-na-i " for the gods," V, 4 ; see XX, I. 3. Un(a)-wa "of god," XXXII, 4. Un(a)-wi "for the god," XXI, 3- UEN-na-wi "for the god," IX, i. UEN-ni " of the gods," XI, 4. UEN-uan-na-ni, IX, 5. Un-na-was "divine," XXXII, 5- Un-na-was-i " of the divine ones," XXI, 4. Un-na-wa-ma "place of the god," XXXII, 5. Unna-s-wan " belonging to the gods," VI, 2. Un-na-Ka-tu-ma-s-m-[a] -wan - mis " belonging to the people of the Cataonian god," XXXII, 5. Cp. the form Attu-mi- sua-n-mis. Uanna-DET.-na-s " of the land of Uan," i.e., "the sacred land," VII, I. I. Uan-iD.-Nu(?)-nu-mis-wa-MA " of the people of Uan," VI, 5. Uan-iD.-Nu(?)-mis-wa-MA, VI, 4. Uennaka-si " of stone," II, 3 ; XXIV, A. (iD.-akasu-wi). Uenna-akasu-wa " I have built of stone," II, 6. Un-nu-kas-u-mis " building of stone," XIX, C. 4. Uena-akasu-mis-isi "stone- cutters," I, 3. Uanatu, Uantu, see Wanatu. Un-nun-na-ma "place of the Sun- god," XI, 5. Un-qa-Nu(?)-u-i "of Unqi," VII, I. I. H3 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905- \VA "this," I, 3. Wa-a, XLVI, i. Wa-is-a "this," I, 3. Wa-DET,-m-a "here," XI, 4. Literally "in this place." Wa-m-a, ^'I, 2. Wa-amma, XLVI, i, 3. DET.-Wau-mma, XLVI, 2. Wa-ma, VI, 3 ; XXXIII, A. 3. Wa-m-a-m "and here," VII, i. 2. Wa-ni-a-mis " belonging here," II, 4, 5 ; XXXII, 5. Wa-ma-mis, VI, i, 3. Wa-AMMA-m-a-mis, ^'I, 3. ^ Wa-am ma-mis, XXI, 3. Wa-m-a-ta, II, 6. DET.-AVa-is " these," XI, 5. Wa-is, IX, 3 ; XLVI, 3. Wan "whom," X, 2 ; XXV, i. Literally "him," "this man." WA-na " for this," XI, 4, 5. Perhaps pronounced na ; see fia-mis. WA-na-wan "this," XI, 2. Per- haps pronounced na-7cian. Wan-was-Mi "these," X, 6. Compound of -wn and na. Wan-was-i-s-Mis " these," XV, 4- Wa-mes "this one," "he," IX, I ; XXI, 4. Wa-Mis-su-misu "these build- ings(?)," V, 2 ; VI, 4. More probably the demonstrative "these." Wa-na-UAN-tu-au-mes-wa "of the Veneti," XXXIII, A. 3. "\Van(a)-tu-au-si-wan " belong- ing to the U," XXXIII, A. 3. Wana-tumi-s "a Venetan," XXXII, I. Wa-ne-ne (without suffixed tt) "wine," XXXII, 4. Perhaps originally a drink made from the uan-tree. 244 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS TO THE LIST OF CHARACTERS. ('■^ Proicedings,'" March 1903,//. 1 50-56.) Corrections. — The oblique line, given as Determinative No. 2, which is also written perpendicularly, is the vowel u and should accordingly be transferred to page 150. The vowel must have approximated in sound to //, since it is not only unjoined with /, as in luliunia and -snis, but is replaced by / in the suffixed -me-u and -me-i " am I," as v\-ell as by the Assyrian e, while the name of Lubarna — the first element of which is found in the Li-iu-ba-s (or Li-iu-balu-s) of the Malatiyah inscription which I have published in the Proceedings, J^n., 1904, p. 23 — is also written Liburna by the Assyrians. No. 2. This should be aii^ aii, ay. No. 4. This should be u'a, ua. No. 5. Us must be deleted. Ideographically the character is isi, connected with i?isi-jna "a high-place," and isi "high." No. 6. This should be ^cas, nas. No. 8. This s is used only before vowels and sibilants, and therefore would have been pronounced like the English z. No. 9. This should be mis, vies. No. 10. The i' will have been pronounced like z, since it inter- changes with No. 8. Perhaps the vowel was u rather than /, since we have iiennakasi {u/viiikasi) by the side of unnakasu-mis. No. II. Ideographically the knife has the values of miis {mis) and suji, both signifying " to build," and phonetically the values of mu and su. The knife with a curved handle {imi) seems originally to have been different from that with a straight handle {sit), but they have coalesced in the later texts. No. 13. The head is that of a calf, with the value oi crm. No. 14. Ideographically this was nana or jvana ; phonetically its values were iiana {ivana), nan {7van), un and ii. It should be made to face the other way. No. 15. This had the phonetic value of 7ia only. It meant ideographically " this person," and probably represented the breath. It should be made to face the other way. No. 16. This should be ni. Its use for nmia "god" was probably due to its being the phonetic complement of vs-ni. 245 Nov. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1905. No. 17. This is the head of a sheep. No. 22. Ideographically this was masts or iiiasas "a seat." No. 23. This is atna rather than atn. No. 24. The phonetic value of an should be deleted. Ideo- graphically it denotes the plural. No. 25. Perhaps this is inus rather than 7?ies. No. 26. The boot, in its signification of "earth" or "land" was anuna : its phonetic values were mi, 7vi (less usually), / or yi (rarely), and amma. It should be made to face the other way. No. 28. Delete the query after la. No. 30. This should be ar. No. 31. This should be mt or 71c ; the character for ar (No. 74) is different. Ideographically it was ^i^a/, /v?/"a priest." No. 32. This may have the value of nr as well as ar. No. 33. The word for "city" is amis, not ara. Phonetically the character is mis, and may also be used for is, me, ama, ma. No. 34. The word for "bull" (also "calf") is ama ; hence the bull's head is used to represent ama, genitive of a7iiis. Phonetically its value is ama, am. No. 36. "To make " is more fully kai or gai, of which ka, ga is a contracted form. No. 37. Read Kas and Kasu "Cappadocia" and " Kasian." The phonetic values are kas and kas-u. No. 38. This has the phonetic value of iw, ni ; perhaps also oiqi. No. 40. This must be deleted : the name in AI. Ill, A. i is Sanda-*-m-m. No. 41. This is kd or kdmi{s) "gate," with phonetic \ a\ue kd, perhaps also kaf/i. The character for kaiu is different ; see No. 82. No. 42, This represents a seated deity in a niche. Its phonetic value is kaiu, kadu. No. 44. This has the phonetic value only of ana, na. No. 45. This represents the body of a chariot. Hence the chariot-wheel has the same phonetic value. No. 46. As this character interchanges with ia in tagha-was, tigha-wi, it may also have the value of ta. No. 47. Delete das. Ideographically the character is ata-{inis) "king," and {a)}mntiamis "powerful." No. 48. Delete ia. Ideographically the character represents aljt, isi, and ada. 246 Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. No. 49. The character is drawn wrongly. It should be the horse-shoe with the phonetic values isi, is and si. No. 5c. This is ideographically aba "a corybant," with phonetic value ba. It probably has also the ideographic value of balu. No. 52. The phonetic value of this character is ghan. No. 53. This character has further the value oi hi. No. 54. Delete "goddess Khila " and the query after "sacred cake." The phonetic value of the character is khal., ghal. Ideo- graphically it represents " food," " to nourish," " provide." No. 56. This has the phonetic value of am, a. No. 57. This is phonetically atu, a. Ideographically it is atuis and aramis "king." No. 58. ¥ox ya read wa. No. 61. This is ideographically asis, phonetically asis., sis, and asi. No. 62. This character represents a heap of corn and denotes Nana " the corn-goddess." The Sun-god is represented by Ideo- graph 1 2, with the value of Unaunnu or Wanawannu. No. 63. This is the altar with the phonetic value is. Deteriminatives. — No. I. This in the older inscriptions is the determinative only of persons and their titles; later it became a wotd-divider. It has the pronunciation of u-na "one person." It was confounded at an early date with [][L, which is shown by a gold seal from Konia, now in the Ashmolean Museum, to have been originally the handle of a sword. No. 2. This is the vowel /// see above. No. 3. This is the determinative of ideographs, indicating that the character which it follows is used ideographically. No. 9. Followed by the boot (No. 26) "the earth," the hand with the dirk ideographically represents atu " lord " or " king " (" dirk-bearer of the earth "). No. 10. The plough, not an axe, is held in the hand, and the character is the ideograph of "building," "making" with the phonetic value of mis, mus. No. II. The word for god was uannas or unnas, not anas. No. 13. Read amis for ara. No. 14. The character above md should be the ideograph of 247 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.liOLOGY. [1905. "gate" {kamis and mens) not the plough, and the whole is the determinative of a " gate " : see below No. 78. No. 16. This character is phonetically 71a. Ideographs. — No. i. Read araviis and atumh for sar-mis. Sar was a value borrowed from Assyrian. No. 2. Read aramis for sar-ines. No. 3. Read ara and aramis for sar. With the phonetic complement tii it reads A-tu. No. 4. Read aramis for sar. The character is a picture of the sacred tree. No. 7. Delete the query after sunn a. No. 10. This character has the value of ara. No. 12. Nana was the Corn-goddess, Unaunnu the Sun-god. No. 13. This character represents atn "great": the symbol is the plough. No. 14. This character is a picture of a sacred post. No. 16. Read ivana, uan for anda,yanatii. No. 18. This represents a deity seated in a niche with rays on either side, and has the value of katii, kadii. No. 19. The word is ana "prince." No. 20. The column ideographically denotes " to uplift," also " cause to grow " ar{?)isi, and is used as a determinative of isis "high." No. 2r. Delete this number.-^- As in Cypriote the surds and sonants {ka, ga ; ta, da ; pa, ba ; Ma, gha) are expressed by the same characters. In the foreign transliteration of Hittite names wa appears as ba and pa, and in the suffixes Mitannian p is Hittite m. It is probable that ar, ir and ur could also be read ra, ri and ru. Before a vowel or /, s became .' (s). ■*- The first character is da, which must be distinguished both from qa (No. 8a) and from a character which in combination with the phallus(?) represents the syllable ifiir in the name of Gurgum (M. XIX, B. 6, Gur-guni-m-a-me-xy^'Y.-ine- ?>Mis "he of the city of Gurgum," XIX, C. 9, Gur-gum . . ). It precedes kasu in a name which I am tempted to read Gu-kasii, i.e. Qusu (M. XV, A. 2, Cti-kasn-was-'D^T. of city; XIX, C. 16, Gn-kasii-i-wan ; XXII, Gtt-kasii-iua). 248 I Nov. 8] THE HITTITE IN.SCRIPTIONS. [1905. ADDITIONAL CHARACTERS. No. Character. Object represented. Ideographic VaUie. Phonetic Vahie. 64 65 66 67 68 69 (gate with steps) isi " high " /iZ (obehsk ?) /j;;/rt "monument" (feet alternatmg) | si " dance " (two feet facing) " in front " (two feet turned iais "former," "of away) old " (cross) ami "sacred cross " 70 I ^ 72 — TL "I a 74 ^<3>^ 75 ^ (sleeve with (^a)tiunna - mis IL IL rings) (" one man " re- peated) (cut stone) (head-dress) (spear-head) (fruit ?) " powerful " iiena, una timiuRas stone imnu^ iin ainma (?), atu Amma-Atu "Atu the goddess of the earth." " the god Aramis (the king)" 249 ara, ar, ra Nov. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHyEOLOGV. [1905. No. Character. Object represented. Ideographic Value. Phonetic Value. 76 ■© — — />, ri 77 [}.[} (a gate) /;amis " a gate " kam, ka 78 H (gate-place) kamd "ciiy-gate " kama 79 ft.1f (double gate) kames " double gate," 7iawas "towers of gate" nawa 80 HP — — qa, qu (?) 81 i^l (trowel in a loop) — qam 82 (D (road through a city ?) — kaiii, kadii 83 f^ — — {u)kasu, akasii 84 fc (a brick) ahi " brick " at, attu, atta 85 ^:.^ — "the goddess Atu" atu 86 ® (wheel) — te, i2({a?ia) 87 %^ (plant ?) — ie, til 88 1 (cushion?) ahis "great " atu 89 m , — — tua 90 Tir (lightning ?) 2 " the god Tarku " 50 — Nov. 8] THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1905. No. Character. Object represented. Ideographic Value. Phonetic Value. 91 %. (head-dress ?) — md . . ma {mama ?) 92 fi^ (wood-fire ?) determinative of See No. 24 plurality 93 Dxia (cut stones) unnnk (?) "stone" Ilk 94 i^ (dove) symbol of goddess Khalma ma 95 { (hieratic form of demonstrative na s profile) "this" J also determinative affix of "people" 96 k — — tit or tumi ? Cp. ID., No. 8 97 d (vase) Unun, the Sun-god nun 98 0 (altar) — pat 251 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1905. As I have already said, the precedhig translations with their consistent grammar and rational contents are a sufficient verification of the general correctness of my system of decipherment. But to this must be added the fact that it leads, not only without forcing, but as a matter of necessity, to the discovery of those very geographical names in the inscriptions which we ought to find in them if the characters have been rightly read : Tyana at Tyana, Carchemish at Carchemish, Hamath at Hamath, " Sandonian city " at Herakleia, &c. ; to the reading of jjroper names which we otherwise know to be Hittite, such as Mutalli or Akhlamite ; to the spelling out, letter for letter, of grammatical suffixes, and even of words like the preposition kas>?ia, which are met with in the cuneiform inscriptions of Arzawa and Boghaz-Keui ; to the disclosure of theological and political conceptions which are in exact accordance with what Professor Ramsay has shown to have been prevalent in Asia Minor ; and to our finding in so many instances that the inscription when translated turns out to be in harmony with what we might expect from its position or nature. Thus the inscription on the bowl is not that of a prince or king, but proves to have been made " for the great king." Above all, it is, what every correct system of decipherment ought to be, progressive, one discovery leading to another, and serving to confirm and verify the results already obtained. >^^c^- ■52 DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATE. Fig. I. This is the flat side of a silver Hittite seal which I obtained in Constantinople last spring. The seal has the same shape as the chaton of the gold seal Fig. 2, but its convex side is not represented here. The ornamentation surrounding the convex side is a more elaborate reproduction of that on the flat side, and the inscription in the centre contains two additional characters. A hole runs through the seal close to the edge, showing that it was intended to be worn on a neck-chain or else attached to the wrist by a string like a Babylonian seal-cylinder. The flat side would have been used for sealing such materials as papyrus or leather, while the convex side would have been employed for the same purpose in the case of a clay tablet. The seal makes it clear that the so-called "boss" of Tarkondemos is not a boss at all, but the convex side of a similar seal which has lost its under-side. The inscription may be read ana-is Ka-KA^-su (?)-is " the prince of Kas " ; the first is and the s// (?) — the flower of the pomegranate — occur only on the convex side. The ornamentation consists of alternating " trees of life " and pomegran- ate (?) flowers, to which rosettes representing flowers above the trets of life are added on the convex side. Fig. 2. The same ornamentation is found on the chaton of a gold seal now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, which is said to have been found at Tamassos in Cyprus. If so, it must have been imported from Asia Minor in ancient times. Within the zone of ornamentation are the characters T^ A Q . On the back is a tripod of lion's feet, resembHng that of the silver Hittite seal from Bor (Tyana) in the Ashmolean Museum. The inscription, like that on Fig. 9, reads ara-me "of the king," and is the same as the first half of the inscription on a seal published by Messerschmidt (XLV, 4) and more correctly by myself in Proceedings XXV, 47, No. 9, where it is followed by a proper name. ^53 T Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILtOLOGV. [1905. Figs. 3-9. These are from sealing-wax impressions of Hittite seals which have long been in my possession. Some of the originals are said to have come from Boghaz-Keui. The ornamentation upon them is the same as that on Figs, i and 2, except that in Fig. 7 the tree of life is replaced by the Hittite equivalent of the Egyptian ankh. Figs. 8 and 9 seem to be the reverse sides of the same seal. The eye of the human profile, it will be noticed, is separated from the outline of the nose. Fig. 10. .Vlso from a sealing-wax impression. It is interesting as having ^^ the two Hittite characters y^ This is a seal-cylinder of polished green steatite found in the early bronze-age cemetery of Paraskevi near Nikosia in Cyprus, which has been in my collection for the last eighteen years. Its interest lies in the fact that it contains an inscription in the characters of the Cypriote syllabary, ino-to-ia-se, many centuries older than the earliest inscription of the kind otherwise known. The existence of the syllabary is thus taken back to an age contemporaneous with that of the Kretan linear characters, and justifies the conclusion not only that the Kretan and Cypriote scripts belonged to the same system but also that where the characters in the two scripts are identical in form they probably possess the same values. The cylinder accord- ingly offers a starting-point for the decipherment of the Kretan linear script. The cylinder is of native Cypriote work (see Myres and Richter, Catalogue of ilic Cyprus Museum^ pp. 134-5); the represent- ation of the ibex and man is found on the cylinders drawn in L. P. di Cesnola's Cyprus, Nos. 17, 18, and 21, and A. P. di Cesnola's Salaminia, Nos. 10, 11, 27, 30, 31, ^i, 2>h 35. 3^- 254 S.B.A. Pioc, Nov., 1905. HITTITE SEALS. Nov. 8] THE gODES HA'ABIB. [1905- THE HODES HA'ABIB {Tl'iU'n \I?in) IN WHICH THE EXODUS TOOK PLACE : AND ITS IDENTIFICATION WITH THE EPIPHI OF THE EGYPTIAN " NATURE- YEAR." By Prof. Dr. E. Mahler. In the following pages I give my reply to a question which has recently been addressed to me : — " In what year {abojit 1200 B.C.) did the visible Neiv Moon and the Vernal Equi7iox fall 07i the 1st of the month Epiphi : and the Full Moon on the \^th of Epiphi 2" I have closely considered the subject, and I give the result of the calculation on which all research in this direction must be founded. First of all, I conclude that the ist of Epiphi, to which my querist refers, is the ist of Epiphi of the vague year. The Sothis-year cannot be meant, as Epiphi i of the Egyptian Sothis-year corresponds to May 16 of the Julian calendar, while the vernal equinox in the period under consideration fell on April i. This being settled, I thought it necessary, in order to obtain an accurate answer to the question, to take into consideration the period 1250-1150 B.C., with this result: — Julian date Julian date of Epiphi I Date and mean •£•- of Epiphi I Date and mean •£■- Year of the Greenwich time 0 g" Year of the Greenwich time •3 §* li.C. vague year of the true >%— B.C. vague year of the true >-— of the conjunction. « 2 of the conjunction. rt 5 Egyptians. Egyptians. P n > H. M. H. M. 1250 IV 28 V I 17 46 ^ 1245 IV 27 IV 6 4 19 "1 1249 28 IV 20 II 2 1 1244 27 IV 24 21 7 1248 28 IV 10 I 55 rt 1243 27 IV 14 4 5 r'H. 1247 28 IV 28 22 34 1 < 1242 26 IV 3 18 0 1 "^ 1246 27 IV 18 3 22 1 I24I 26 IV 21 18 14 J 255 Nov. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLGGY. [1905. Year B.C. 1 1 Julian date of Epiphi I of the vague year of the Egyptians. Date and mean Greenwich time of the true conjunction. X " 3 Year B.C. Julian date of Epiphi I of the vague year of the Egj-ptians. Date and mean Greenwich time of the true conjunction. •£.1 ° 3" 1240 IV 26 IV II 11. M. II 2 " 1205 IV 17 IV 14 H. M. 2 24 ^ 1239 26 IV I 0 14 1204 17 IV 3 17 31 1238 25 IV 19 19 55 1203 17 IV 22 14 38 1237 25 IV 7 23 2 1202 16 IV II 20 24 1236 25 IV 26 15 22 1 201 16 III 30 20 53 1235 IV 25 IV 15 17 31 1200 IV 16 IV 18 13 41 1234 24 IV 5 2 53 1 199 16 IV 7 20 10 1233 24 IV 23 I 41 1 198 15 III 28 9 7 1232 24 IV 12 18 14 II97 15 IV 15 9 22 I23I 24 IV 2 10 34 1 196 15 IV 5 2 24 1230 IV 23 IV 21 853 1 195 IV 15 IV 24 I 41 1229 23 IV 9 16 48 1 194 14 IV 13 12 14 1228 23 IV 28 9 50 1 193 14 IV I 15 30 1227 23 IV x8 10 34 1192 14 IV 20 7 55 1226 22 V 6 4 5 II9I 14 IV 9 10 5 1225 IV 22 IV 24 II 31 1 190 IV 13 III 29 18 43 1224 22 IV 14 I 55 ►H 1 189 13 IV 16 17 2 , 1223 22 V 3 3 22 't I188 13 IV 6 9 7 1 a, < 1222 21 IV 22 18 58 < 1 187 13 III 27 2 10 I22I 21 IV II 7 41 I186 12 IV 15 0 58 1220 IV 21 IV 30 3 22 1 185 IV 12 IV 3 9 7 I219 21 IV 19 6 0 I184 12 IV 22 2 38 I218 20 IV 8 6 58 1 183 12 IV II 336 I217 20 IV 26 0 43 I182 II III 31 6 43 I216 20 IV 15 10 19 I181 II IV 18 3 7 I215 IV 20 IV 5 I 55 1 180 IV II IV 7 17 2 I2I4 19 IV 24 I 55 I179 II III 28 9 50 I213 19 IV 12 18 29 1 178 10 IV 16 10 5 I2I2 19 V I 16 34 II77 10 IV 4 23 31 I2II 19 IV 21 0 14 II76 10 IV 23 19 26 I2IO IV 18 IV 10 I 41 II75 IV 10 IV 12 22 34 1209 18 IV 27 17 46 1174 9 IV I 23 17 1208 18 IV 13 8 53 1173 9 IV 19 17 2 1207 18 IV 6 9 36 II72 9 IV 9 2 10 1236 17 IV 25 9 7 J II71 9 III 29 17 2 . 256 Nov. S] THE HODF.S IIA'ABIB. [1905. Year B.C. Julian date of Epiphi I of the vague year of the Egj'ptians. Date and mean Greenwich time of the true conjunction. > Year B.C. Julian date of Epiphi I of the vague year of the Egyptians. Date and mean Greenwich time of the true conjunction. v 2 Q E 1 1 70 IV 8 IV 17 H. M. 17 31 ~ I 160 IV 6 H. M. Ill 28 8 53 1 169 8 IV 6 10 5 II59 6 IV 16 6 29 II6S 8 III 26 21 22 i I 158 5 IV 5 15 29 1167 8 IV 14 16 19 I 157 5 III 24 13 26 1 166 1165 7 IV 7 IV 3 III 22 18 0 19 12 t-l II56 "55 5 IV 5 IV 12 60 IV I 12 0 1: 1 164 7 IV 10 14 24 1154 4 III 22 0 58 1 163 7 III 31 I 12 1 1153 4 IV 9 0 58 1 162 6 IV 19 0 58 1152 4 III 29 17 46 1 161 6 IV 7 18 0 ) 1 1151 4 IV 17 17 2 1150 ^ J IV 7 4 34 [Note that the mean time begins at midnight, and that Memphite time is about two hours earlier than Greenwich time, that therefore, e.^., 4 H. mean Greenwich time = 6 H. mean Memphite time.] From this it will be seen that during the time under consideration f/ie New Moo7i and the Vernal Eqtiijiox never fell on Epiphi I of the Egyptian vague year. It certainly happened that Epiphi i coincided with the day of the new moon {cf. the years 1247, 1233, 1197, 1 183, and 1 172), but then it was not the day of the equinox. On the other hand again, in the years 1142, 1141, 1140, and 1139 B.C., the day of the equinox fell on Epiphi i (April i, Julian), but the new moon fell on another date : — I 142 B.C. New moon, IV 8 II41 „ )) III 28 I 140 „ )) III 17 II39 n )) IV 4 I believe I am right in supposing that the enquiry is based on a supposition which for a long time has been floating in my mind, and which was worked out last winter. It is evidently supposed that the month called " HodeS ha'abib " in the Bible, as the time of the Exodus, was the month Epiphi of the Egyptians, a supposition which appears to be founded on the fact that the Arabs to-day, when 257 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. they speak of the "suhur el-kebt," i.e., of the Egyptian months, use the name " Abib" instead of the name "Epiphi." This was for many years my opinion also, and last winter I succeeded in placing this supposition on a foundation of knowledge. On February 6 of last year, I brought this problem before the session of the historical class of our Academy of sciences {Magyar Tudomdnyos Akademia)\ a detailed study of this subject will be found in my forthcoming work, which will form a special volume of the Annales du Musee Guvnet. The essentials I place willingly at the disposal of the Members of the Society of Biblical Archceology, and I shall be very glad if they are considered of sufficient interest to appear in the Society's Proceedings, as my work in which this question will be discussed can hardly appear before January i, 1906. Among the Egyptians there was, besides the usual year-forms (Sothis-year and vague year), also a so-called " Natural-year " which had its beginning at the first ripening of the field-produce, and whose New Year's Day coincided with the day which the later Israel kept as a festival, "Hag habikkurim (QiniDnn :in)." In the Zeitschrift filr Aeg. Sprache, 1882, 169/!, Erman publishes "Ten contracts of the time of the Middle Kingdom," and among these the second records the gifts which the hour-priests were obliged to deliver to the High-priests (ober-profeten) on New Year's Day (\V)' ^" the other hand, the latter were obliged to give a part {hgf) "from every field of the endowment property, the first-fruits of the prince's property, in the same way that every subject of Siut does with the first-fruits of his harvest. Also among the husbandmen, every one offers of his first-fruits in the temple." On New Year's Day (which is here written with the sign >^A^ and therefore indicates a permanent year) the first-fruits had to be brought to the temple. The Egyptians then already possessed at the time of the Middle Kingdom, besides the usual year-forms, another whose New Year's Day coincided with the first ripening of the field produce. This "Nature-year" was permanent, as is self- evident ; but it was not identical with the Sothis-year, which was the normal year of the Egyptians, as that began on July 20 (Julian calendar), and on that day the harvest was long past. It cannot be the vague year either, as at the time of the Middle Kingdom — i.e., circa 2100-1600 v..c. — the 1st of Thoth of the vague year fell 258 Nov. 8] THE 1IODK8 HA'ABIB. [1905. between September 20 and February i, when there could be no thought of "first-fruits." The New Year's Day of the above- mentioned contracts can then only indicate a special Nature-year which began at the gathering-in of the "first-fruits."' By this, however, we obtain the knowledge of the most important cult-historical fact. On New Year's Day of this Nature-year the '■'' first-fruits^'' were brought to the temple of Siut. When we remember that the months of the respective year-forms of the Egyptians bore the same names, that therefore the first month of every year-form was called " Thoth," the second bore the name " Paophi," etc., then we see that the following days preceded the New Year's Day, i.e., Thoth ist, of every year-form, and therefore also of the Nature-year : — 5 Intercalary days, 30 days. Month Mesori, 30 „ „ Epiphi, etc. If we then count back 50 days from the New Year's Day of the Nature-year, on which the "first-fruits" had to be brought into the Temple, we come to Epiphi 16. According to the Bible (Lev. xxiii, 15, 16), Israel was commanded to count 50 days from the i6th of the first month, which month was also called "Hodes ha'abib," i.e., the month Abib, in order to celebrate the " Hag-habikkurim " = ^'•Festival of the first-fruits J' The analogy between the usage of the ancient Egyptians and that of Israel is so striking that we can both identify, without anything further, the Hag-habikkurim of Israel with the New Year's festival of the Nature-year of the ancient Egyptians, and also the month Abib of the Bible with the month Epiphi of the Egyptians — especially with the Epiphi of the Nature-year. The Hodes lia'abib (l"^^i^n tL^fH) in which the Exodus took place., is therefore to be identified with tJie month Epiphi of the Nature- year of the Egyptians. 259 Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF IJILLICAL AKCILLOLOGV. [1905. A KABBALISTIC CHARM. Bv P. SCOTT-MON'CKIEFK, B.^l. This charm, of which an illustration is given, was bought four years ago in the Little Market at Tangier, and is believed to have come from the interior of Morocco. It measures 21" x 17:^" and was obtained for Mrs. Hankinsun of Westgate-on-Sea by a dragoman, and is at present her property. She has been kind enough to allow me to publish it. The charm is of the Menorah or "candlestick" type, so called because its central feature is always a seven-branched candlestick. The place of origin is Spain, which was a hotbed of Jewish super- stitions until 1492, when the Jews were expelled taking with them the secret and abstruse lore of the Kabbala, which soon found great favour with their brethren in Europe and N. Africa. Mr. Margoliouth informs me that the amulet in question cannot be earlier than the XVIIth century. It is made of stout parchment and shows signs of having been nailed up on the wall of a house, doubtless to keep away evil influences from the inhabitants. The border together with the trees and rosette at the bottom are painted crudely in red, green and yellow. The birds and fishes are also in red and green, and some of them have black spots on a yellow ground. Along the top are eight tablets. Nos. 1-5 read : Speak unto Aaron and say unto him, 'when thou settest up the lamps, the seven lamps shall give light in front of the candlestick. And Aaron did so ; he set tip the lights thereof in front of the candlestick as the Lord com- manded Moses. And this was the work of the candlestick, beaten ivork of gold ; from the base thereof unto theftoivers thereof it was beaten work according to the pattern which the Lord shoived Moses, so he made the candlestick (Numb, viii, 1-5). The rest is obscure but may refer to Exod. xxv, 3 1 ff. The centre of the main register is occupied by the seven- branched candlestick above which is the divine tetragrammaton mn^ ^^'itli "'-t^ inscribed on it. Across the top of the candlestick 260 Nov. 8] A KABBALISTIC CHARM. [1905. is written : For the hope of the living is in thy light, let 7/s see light. Each of the seven branches bears a similar pious ejaculation. Very noticeable are the two hands with outstretched fingers, the well known preventative against the machinations of the evil eye. On the fingers is written the blessing : The Lord bless thee and keep thee, the Lord make his face to shine on thee, etc. (Numb, vi, 22 ff.). On the palms are the following angels' names : Metatrun} Qatsiel, Qastiel,~ Yohak^^ Kulak,^ Asel,'^ Sunadelphun,'^ Samarkar,' Agia,^ Taphtaphiah? On either side of the hands is a tablet like those on the top of the amulet but larger. Each contains texts chiefly about light, the one beginning with "^ lamp unto my feet is thy ivoi-d^' etc. (Ps. cxix, 105), the other with ''''Arise, shine, for thy light is co}?ie," etc. (Is. Ix, i). In the two little squares above are the first words of the last six commandments (Ex. xx, 1 2-18). And above them again in the larger squares is written : ^'2. ^T'TyTi:^ "'D T?2)n '^'^X^ TT\TV "TT'IU.'' l^lT^i^' which by including the large written plirT"') is "/ have set the Lord before me continually, because he is on my right hand I shall not be moved'''' (Ps. xvi. 8). Below the palms of the hands are the usual Kabbalistic " square words " by which the initiated were enabled to conjure spirits, while underneath and dotted about the parchment are various Kabbalistic enigmas. Of these D^D^Vl D2DD DriDD Dnp2^ probably = ni'uicTe^ "UcpataTO'g 7rafi(pc'ioi'. Schwab, loc. cit. ~ Acrostic of the last letters of each verse. Gen. i, 1-5. Name invoked by travellers. Schwab, loc. cit. ** Acrostic from the words on David's buckler '•JTX D^IJ/V "I13j HnX- Schwab, loc. cit. '^ I.e., divine might, with SD reduplicated. -"' Cf. Schwab, Angelologie, Academic dcs Inscril^lions et B. L'ttres, 1S97. 261 U Nov. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1905. ''Because of excellerit •"' . ?]:^^ H^r^IC n:5r:5Dni ^VTl is unintelligible to me. Aiiaf is known as the name of an angel. li^^!22D iiiay possibly be a corruption of ll^'^ZtT, itself a corrup- tion of "ni:''CV = Jupiter." ^'rir, "0'"J^ ^-'^ ^^- ^'^^^^ ^^ connected with ]i:i:b^ |1^:iD ]''pD2 T^l >^^^ ^vhich was said at the end of the Sabbath." Touching the candlestick where the seven branches join are two pair of Tongs called the '■'■ Malqachaim:' Below^ are two curious objects which are meant for the snuff dishes, and which are called the '' Machtoth." ^~ These objects nearly always appear with the candlestick in Menorah amulets. To the left of the base of the candlestick is a flight of steps which bears the following legend : " The top stone ; on it arc three steps on 7vhich the priest stood when he prepared the lamps in the sanctuary /' while underneath is written : ""• Ti^ Ip^nj^'l W^h- This has been identified by Schwab in MS. hebr. No. 603 f. 141b of the Bibliothcque nationale as five words constituting v. 18 of Gen. xlix so arranged and vocalized to give it a triliteral aspect. It also forms {ibid. f. i6jb) the horizontal base of the transcription of Ps. Ixviii, of which the words are arranged in the likeness of a candlestick Avith seven branches. The birds, trees and fishes are crudely painted and of small artistic merit. They may have some occult meaning, but are more probably entirely ornamental, like the painted border. There is no doubt that this charm was considered very potent to keep away the evil eye, sickness, the powers of darkness, etc. That amulets of this kind were very popular among the Jews is evidenced by their number, and by the widespread influence of the Kabbala even up to the end of the eighteenth century.^'^ I understand, however, that modern Judaism, following Maimonides, condemns the use of amulets, but all evidences of any modern practice of the "Practical Kabbala "i' must necessarily be of great use to those interested in magic and kindred studies. " Cf. Schwab, Angelologie, Academic dcs Inscriplions el B. Letires, 1897. 1- Cf. Exod. XXV, 38. ^'' Cf. the Eybeschiitz and Emden controversy. ^■' That is to say, the utilising of the secrets in tlie Kabbala to work charms and magic. 262 O I— t <1 tmuic M S"JP3L_^^r^ 1^^^''^ A KABBAHSTIC CHARM N(jv. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1905. The next Meeting of the Society will be held on Wednesday, December 13th, 1905, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will be read : — Dr. Pinches : ' Notes upon some Tablets of the period of Hammurabi's dynasty." 263 PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY THIRTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1905. Seventh Meeting, December i^^th, 1905. Sir H. H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., IN THE CHAIR. OBITUARY. September, 1905. — Thomas Christy, Esq., F.L.S. One of the original Members of the Society. [No. ccvii.] 265 Dec. i3l SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1905. The following gifts to the Libran^ were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donor : — From F. Legge, Esq.—" Urkunden der Alteren Athiopenkonige." Part I. By Dr. H. Schafer. „ "The first of Empires." By \\'. St. Chad Boscawen. P. Scott Moncrieff, Esq., B.A., was elected a Member of the Society, The following Paper was read : — ■ Dr. Pinches : " Notes upon some Tablets of die period of Hammurabi's dynasty." Thanks were returned for this communication. !66 Dec. 13] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1905. SOME UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON THE TEXT OF THE BIBLE. VI. Chronicles. By Sir Henry H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., F.R.S., etc. The name Chronicles applied to two books of the Bible in the English version was, no doubt, adopted by the translators from a name given to them by Jerome, the favorite Father of the Reformers, in his Prologus Galeattes, in which, speaking of these books, he says : " Chronicon totius divitice historicB possumus appellare.^'' In his own translation of the books he retains the name which it seems to have borne in the older Latin vesion, namely, "Paralipo- menon," which was directly transcribed from the name they bore in the Septuagint, ia TrapiiXeiTrojiievwv. The meaning of this Greek title has been disputed. The general opinion is that it means " Things omitted." In Hebrew the books are named, as Jerome again says, Dahre aianiim {Dibhere Hayydinini), and he adds, id est verba diert/m, or annals. The two books formed a single one in the Hebrew Bibles. J erome says expressly, " apnd Hebi-ccos liber Paralipovienon umis fit * * * qui propter magnitudinuin apnd 7ws divisus esf.^' In the Naples ediiion of the Hebrew Bible, 1487, they occur as one book. Lastly, as Mr. Ball acutely points out, " that Chronicles was originally only one book is evident from the Masoretic note at the end of the Hebrew text, which states that i Chronicles xxvii, 25 is the middle verse of the whole book;" "moreover," he adds, "Josephus, Origen ap Euseb. Hist. EccL, VI, 25, Jerome and the Talmud reckon only one book of Chronicles." They must have been separated by the Christians at an early date, since they occur in two books labelled « and (i in the great 267 X 2 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1905. (ireek uncials, and in ihc early lists of Melito and Hilary. Ruffinus, Avho follows the Hebrew tradition, however, mentions only one hook. As we have seen in previous papers, and as indeed is universally acknowledged, Chronicles were once continuous with Ezra — ■ Neheniiah and formed one unbroken book. This was certainly the case in the Septuagint as we have seen, and as is proved by Esdras A, which represents that translation, and in which the narrative goes continuously over the present gaps between the l)ooks. It was, no doubt, as one continuous book that Josephus knew the work, a fact to be remembered when we consider what was meant by his enumeration of the Canonical books of the Bible. The breaking asunder of Chronicles from Ezra — Nehemiah, was, as we have seen, doubtless the handiwork of the Jamnia doctors who first edited the Masoretic Bible. Their reason for doing so we shall discuss presently. Let us row turn to the text of Chronicles, which I shall treat as a single book. It is quite plain that if the canonical books of Ezra and Nehemiah in the Greek uncials are in no sense Septuagint texts, the same conclusion must apply to Chronicles. The duplicated verses at the end of Chronicles and at the beginning of Ezra are a witness to the fact that the two books in their canonical form in the Greek MSS. are from the same hand. They form continuous portions of the same work, and there is no evidence of any kind that the compilers of the great Greek MSS. took the Greek translation of Chronicles from one source and that of Ezra from another. Inasmuch as we have seen that the Greek Ezra was taken from Theodotion's or some other second century translation, it follows that the canonical Greek Chronicles was taken from the same w^ork. This view, as Professor Torrey showed in a previous number of the Proceedings, was first affirmed by Gro.ius in his annotations to the Old Testament, and has received Mr. Torrey's own powerful impninatttr. On the other hand, it is equally clear that if ICsdras A represents the Septuagint text of Ezra, as is now generally allowed, the first chapter of Esdras A, which is equivalent in contents <-o 2 Chronicles xxxv, i — xxxvi, 21 inclusive and is continuous widi it, represents those two chapters in their Septuagint form and language, which is quite different from that of the canonical Greek Chronicles. It is very much to be hoped, therefore, that the editors of the new Cambridge edition of the Septuagint will not, as other professed editors of the same 26S Dec. 13] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1905. version have done (to the confusion of us all), take over the so-called canonical Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah from the great Greek uncial-, but give us instead an edition of Esdras A with variants, and reserve the former work for some future edition of Theodotion's or some other translator's Greek text. So far as I know, the book of Esdras A preserves intact the only fragment of Chronicles which we can positively say was derived directly from the Septuagint. That fiagment differs completely, as is of course well known, in its language, while it also differs in some of its statements from the document we know as the corresponding part of the canonical Chronicles. The fragment in question, forming the first chapter of Esdras A, corresponds to the last two chapters of Chronicles, excluding the last two verses known as the duplicated verses, from their being duplicated in the first two verses of Ezra i. Of these two chapters and these only have we therefore any continuous portion of the Septuagint Chronicles preserved. The translation of Chronicles in the Greek Bibles was really a Greek translation of the Masoretic text. It is not surprising, there- fore, to find one author after another speaking of the canonical Greek Chronicles as being a very faithful translation from the Hebrew. Thus Reuss calls it "strictly accurate and strictly literal." This merely means that in the view of these critics the Greek Chronicles follows the Masoretic text very closel)', which is another proof of its being the work of Theodotion or some other translator and not of the Seventy. On the other hand, the fragment which I claim to be a part of the true Septuagint text has more than one important variant in whicli its superior authority and accuracy are patent. There is one instance which is exceedingly remarkable as a proof not only that the Septuagint of Chronicles is represented by the fragment in chapter i of Esdras A, but that the text of Chronicles in the coiresponding chapter has been tampered with, or is very corrupt, in the Masoretic text. In the first chapter of Matthew and the nth verse we read: "and Josiah begat Jechoniah and his brethren at the time of the carrying away to Babylon." In Esdras A i, 32, we have in Codex B, i.e., the Vatican Codex : "and the people took Jechonias and made him king instead of Josias his father," Swete, Vol. II, p. 131, and this is followed by the Vulgate. In the Masoretic text of 2 Chronicles 269 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGV. [1905. xxxvi, I, on the other hand, we read "the people of the land took Jehoahaz the son of Josiah and made him king in place of his father." This is followed by the Alexandrian text or Codex A of Esdras A (Swete, loc. cit. note). There cannot be a doubt, I think, therefore, that the author of Matthew who used the Septuagint had a text of Chronicles before him like that preserved in Esdras A, ch. i, and not like that in the Masoretic Bible. This is by no means the only alteration in the Masoretic text of this chapter. In the Masoretic text of Chronicles xxxvi, 9, we read Jehoiachim was eight years old when he began to reign. In the Alexandrian text of Esdras A i, 41, we read he was eighteen years old, and this is not only confirmed by the same Greek text of Chronicles and also by the Syriac, but by the corresponding passage in the book of Kings, even in the Masoretic version itself, namely, in Kings xxiv, 8. Again, in the 46th verse of Esdras A we are told how Nebuchad- nezar made Zedekiah king of Judah. The corresponding passage in the Masoretic Chronicles xxxvi, 10, says, " Zedtkiah his brother." He was really his father's brother, as the Greek text reads it (see Ssvete, II, p. 127), and as the Masoretic text rightly reads it in the corresponding passage in Kings ii, 24. These examples show how exceedingly faulty the Masoretic text of Chronicles is in important statements of fact, compared with the Septuagint of corresponding passages as preserved in Esdras A, i. Let us now pass on to another issue in which I venture to differ very materially and seriously from the critics. They start with the premise that the work Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah was originally a Hebrew composition, and that we have it substantially as it was originally written, in our present Masoretic text. I believe, on the contrary, that it was not written in Hebrew originally at all but in Aramaic, and that the Hebrew text, as we have it, is a translation from this Aramaic original. It was probably only made when or per- haps even after the Masoretic Bible was first put together by the doctors at Jamnia, and not earlier than the second century, and neither Josephus nor the writers of the New Testament had probably ever seen the work in Hebrew at all, which accounts very reasonably for their using during the period covered by the joint book only the Septuagint version. This conclusion, if sustained, and I have no doubt whatever of its soundness, is one of very great importance, 270 Dec. 13] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1905. and I propose to give some reasons for it, wliicli may be amplified on another occasion. In an earlier paper of this series I recalled the remarkable fact, which has not been enough commented upon, that in the great Greek uncials there were contained two separate editions of one and the same work, namely, the canonical book of Ezra and the apocryphal book known as Esdras A, and I made the fact of the duplication of this narrative in the costly and stately MSS. we call uncials the basis of a considerable induction. In the books of Chronicles we have a duplication of narrative on a larger scale which is even more remarkable, because it is contained not only in the Greek MSS. but also in the Hebrew ones, and because it cannot be explained as an editorial freak, but was a deliberately planned and prepared repetition of a long narrative. The book of Chronicles is of course to a very large extent a mere rcchaiiffee and re-eciiting of the books of Samuel and of Kings. It contains occasional additional matter and it excludes matter {inte?- alia it excludes the history of the kings of Israel as contrasted with those of Judah; an exclusion which was also doubtless quite deter- aiiinately done with a distinct purpose and Tcndenz). When these additions and omissions are accounted for, we still have remaining a large proportion of the book of Chronicles in a form which makes it a mere epitome and rechauffee of "the four books of Kings." What possible motive or purpose could underly such a curious literary fact ? ^Vhy should such a reduplication have been made, and when made why should it have found its way into the accepted Scriptures of the Jews? Surely there is something of paradox and ■difficulty in it all. The usual explanation seems to me quite inadequate, namely, that it was meant to enforce certain doctrinal and ritual views which had become current, and to present the history of the Chosen Race as it looked to the eyes of one of the later priesthood, who had become imbued with the teaching of the Deuteronomic law ; that it was, in fact, a polemical rather than an historical work. This view seems to me to be altogether lacking in probability. Of course, the book is tinged and coloured by the prevailing ecclesiastical atmosphere of the time when it was compiled. It would be odd if it were not so, for it is unlikely that the compiler should have been any one but an ecclesiastic, but it seems an a'together fantastic notion that the author rewrote a long narrative in the Bible, not to 271 Dlc. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCILEOLOGV. [1905, displace the enrlier story which had become inconsistent wiih ortho- dox tendencies at the time, and which was retained intact beside it as a corrective or antidote to it if need be, and that he did this merely as a cover for the promulgation of novel views as to the priesthood. Surely it would have been more to the point and more adequate to such a purpose, to write an entirely independent work, in which the new teaching should not be largely buried out of sight in an entirely foreign matrix and setting. The view in ([uestion, as^ I have said, seems to me quite fantastic. If the priests had mtant such a measure by their handiwork, they would surely have cancelled the books of Samuel and of Kings. The only explanation of the facts which seems to me to be reasonable and adequate, is that the book was not written specially for the priests or the learned class, but was an historical manual condensing that portion of the history which had a living interest for the Jewish people, and bringing it down to their own time. For the learned the story was already available in a longer narrative in the books of Samuel and of Kings. If this be a reasonable explanation, then it follows that the book would not be written in Hebrew, which was then a dead and purely a learned language, but in Aramaic, which was the living language of the Jews at the time. A knowledge of Hebrew was doubtless preserved among the priests and the specially educated, as Sanscrit is in India and as Latin was throughout the Middle Ages in Europe,, but among the ordinary Jewish people both in Eabylonia and Palestine it had been displaced as a spoken speech by Aramaic. About this I fancy there is very little doubt or room for doubt. Ini the book of Ezra we have very clear proofs of it in several Aramaic documents, which v, ere issued from the chancellary of the Persiau kings in Babylonia and were addressed to the grandees of Palestine. It follows, therefore, as almost certain that a work written at the time, if it was meant to be read by the ordinary reader, must have- been written not in the dead language, Hebrew, but in the living language, Aramaic. This seems sound a priori reasoning and, if so, then it makes it very probable that the book of Chronicles, as originally compiled and written, vntis not composed in Hebrew at all bi:t in Aramaic. Thus it becomes in origin in effect a Targum on Samuel and Kings. Dr. Barnes has already called it, in its Syriac dress, a Targum^ but I do not ihink he quite means wh.ac I mean. He means a paraphrastic and explanatory edition; I mean that it was originally Dec. 13] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1905. composed and written in Aramaic or so-called Chaldee, and was never a translation of a Hebrew original into Aramaic, as the Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan were. It differs from them in being an original composition and not a translation, and in belonging to the 4th or 3rd century B.C. instead of the ist or 2nd a.d. If this be so, then the Hebrew or so-called Masoretic text of Chronicles is not an original document at all but, as I have said, a translation into Hebrew of an Aramaic document, and the Septuagint of Esdras A similarly represents a translation not from the Hebrew but also from Aramaic. If this was the real history of the text of Chronicles, we then have an excellent reason for the existence of the book. The duplication of the history as contained in Samuel and Kings was a duplication caused by the necessity of having a history of the country which could be understood and read by the people, and not merely by archaeologists and scholars. Inasmuch as the book when thus wiitten contained a ccnsider- able number of variants, while to it was added considerable new matter very interesting to the Jews, and bringing the history down much later, it was doubtless felt by the compilers of the Masoretic Bible, or rather more probably by a later generation of Jewish doctors, that it was convenient and indeed necessary that a translation of it should be placed in the Bible alongside of the original text, just as in the great uncial bibles the Greek of the Septuagint (as repre- sented by Esdras A) was put alongside of the other Greek version as represented by the canonical Ezra. This seems to be a complete and quite satisfactory explanation of the duplication of the narrative. It is a curious fact, and one strongly supporting this contention, that just as the book of Esdras A became afterwards an object of suspicion to the constructors of a mechanical canon of the Old Testament among the Christians, so the book of Chronicles was treated with suspicion by many of the Jews, and in unison with them by some of the Christians. Although so like in the nature of its contents to both Samuel and Kings, the Jews have always placed the work in a very different and subordinate position in their canon, namely, among the Kethubim or Hagiographa, which, Professor Brown suggests, is probably due to the late date at which canonical authority was ascribed to it (Hastings, Bib. Diet., I, 388). Among the books which have never been, and are not, read in 273 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH.EOLOGY. [1905. their public worship l)y tlie Jews now, Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah are specially named, ^^'hat is more remarkable, none of them are actually quoted in the New Testament. Not a single quotation again is extant from Aquila derived from any of these books, which goes to show that when he published his translation from the mother MS. of the Alasoretic text, they were not treated as canonical, and had probably not been translated into Hebrew. What is more strange and more eloquent of the same fact is that they do not seem to have existed in the earliest edition of the Peshitta, which I believe was originally as much a Targum for the use of Syriac-speaking Jews as the Targum of Onktlos on Genesis was for Aramaic-speaking Jews. The prejudice underlying all this seems to me to have been clearly due to the book having been written in oiher than the old sacred tongue, and it accordingly had great difficulty in being accepted by the rabbins as canonical, just like other books written in Aramaic or Greek had. When this prejudice was presenily overcome it was only partially so. In the first place the bock was divided in two and the two sections were widely separated in the order of the books. Ezra and Nehemiah were doubtless deemed most necessary and illuminating books, for they contained the only record of the return of the Jews from bondage and the rebuilding of their Temple. After being re-arranged, re-edited, in parts largely interpolated (as I have shown), and then translated, they were accordingly put in their logical sequence after the books of Kings, while in the great majority of MSS., Chronicles, for which the same pressing necessity did not exist, were ignominiously put at the end of the Bible, and this notwithstanding that the separation had taken place so rudely that the book in the Hebrew version ends with a broken and incoherent verse, and thus the whole Bible itself ended with a broken sentence. Among the Syrian Christians, who largely followed the Jewish tradition, the book was treated with the same scant courtesy. The Nestorians and Jacobites both held the book to be uncanonical, as they did Ezra and Nehemiah (see Noldeke, Gott. gel. Aiiz., 1868, p. 1826). Ephraem Syrus, who died in 373, has left no commen- taries on it. Bar Hebraeus has no scholia on it, nor is it cited in his grammar (Frankel, Die Syr. Uebersetzung zn den Bitcheni der Chronick). It is cited, liowever, by Aphraates, as he cites Ezra 274 Dec. 13] UNCONVENTIONAL VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. [1905. and Nehemiah. His citations of Chronicles do not quite corre- spond with the received Syriac text however. Is it possible that he quotes directly from the original Aramaic, merely altering the phraseology into the standard Syriac of his time? (vSee Noldeke, Lit. Ceniralblatt., 1S76, p. 1290.) Aphraates tells us he composed his works in 337, 344, and 345 A.D. (Noldeke, En. Britt.^ XXII, 827). Chronicles as well as Ezra and Nehemiah occurred in the lost volume of the " Codex Ambrosianus," which was a copy of Paul of Telia's Syriac version made in the beginning of the 7th century. Of Chronicles there is also a MS. of the 6th century in the British Museum, Add. 17104, Wright's Catalogue, I, 16. He says of it: *'This MS. contains the two books of Chronicles according to the Peshitta version." (Ste Noldeke, Alttestajuentliche Literatin; 263 f.) It would seem therefore that by this time the books we are discussing had been added to the canon of the Peshitta version. So much then for the ydos, ii, IV); and under Narmer it is found much more curved {-R.T., ii, II, 3). Here again the style of Mena is intermediate between Narmer and Zer. It is generally agreed that the style of work was increasing in fullness and complexity at that age. The tablets of Narmer are much simpler than those of Mena, and (here were fewer objects of his found about the tombs. This again shows Narmer to be earlier than Mena. Lastly, both Dr. Sethe and Mr. Griffith conc'ude that the name Ta alternating with that of King Zer, and Ath alternating with that ■of Zet, are the names of officia's, and not the names Teta and Ateth of those kings. It is certainly strange that an official should be named without his office, as the office is otherwise made the most prominent feature. If however this view be adopted, we must grant that Het on the seals of King Aha-Mena {R.T., ii, XIV, 99) is the name of a vizier or an official, and it is found also separately on seal 116 with the title luvi. And hence the name Men on seals of Narmer (seal 93) is likewise an official of Narm.er. And is not the ■high official of Narmer, named Men, most likely to found the next ■dynasty as Men or Mena? We see then that by style Narmer precedes Mena, and a Mena is found as the only official known of the reign of Narmer. Regarding the successors of Mena, the main question is that of M'erneit. This person is regarded by Dr. Sethe as a queen, because 280 Dix. 13] THE EARLY MONARCHY OF EGYPT. [1505. (i) he states that there is a feminine /, thus reading mert ; (2) that there is no hawk over the name, which is not in a square ; (3) because names compounded with Neit and Hathor were feminine in early times. To these reasons the answers are (i) that there is no certain case of reading /, and only one which is dubious; (2) that it is not a hawk-name but a personal name in any case, and there is not a bingle personal name of a king with a title before this, so no title would be expected here. Mer of Narmer, Mena, and often Setui, have no title ; (3) it is an arbitrary criterion to fix when goddesses first appear in men's names ; and such names as Merysekhet, Merybast, and Merseger are known in later times for men. If this tomb is that of a queen she has to be identified with the queen of Den, on tlie ground that sealings of Den are the only ones found in the tomb. But, as I originally pointed out, not a single one of the 40 seals found used in the tomb of Den also appears among the 37 seals used in the tomb of Merneit. ^Vhen we look at a supposed parallel case, the tomb of Neithetep in the reign of Mena, we see two seals out of six are the same as those used in the tomb of Mena. And when we compare the sealings of Merneit's tomb and of Den's tomb we see that those of Merneit are frequently of an earlier style, see seals Nos. 12, iS, 19, 29, 42, 43, 132, 134. The theory that l^Ierneit was an heiress queen and therefore of particular importance is contradicted by there being no break in the dynasty here. The position is not certain either way : but there is no evidence that Merneit was a queen. Against the difficulty of supposing that Merneit and Setui l)oth took the X'^-name Den, there is the equal difficulty otherwise of supposing that the whole seals of the kingdom, about 40 ill all, were entirely different at the burial of Den's queen from what they were at the burial of Den himself. As all the other great tombs here, with pairs of steles at which offerings were made, were those of kings, the presumption is that this of Merneit is also that of a king. Regarding the relative position of Zer and Zet, Dr. Sethe agrees that they are in this order, and between Mena and Den. Certainly Zer is closely linked to ]\Iena by the form of the hawk on the bracelet in his tomb, and we should naturally place him next to Mena, as we have seen that Narmer is clearly earlier. Zet is shown to be next to Zer by the position of his tomb, which is quite ceitain c.s his great stele was found in it. If there be a gap }et unfilled in 201 V Dec. 13] SOCIEIV OF BIBLICAL ARClLliOLOGY. [1905. the dynasty it appears lo be between Zet and Den, just where the tomb of Merneit comes in the series. Thus there is nothing to contradict the whole order of the 1st dynasty as I originally arranged it. The possibility of Merneit being removed may eventually leave a gap, which there is nothing yet to fill. ^Ve now turn to the great question of the pre-Menite kings. The very strange antipathy that some have shown to the existence of any kings before jNIenes depends on the force of prejudice. There were certainly many kings before Menes, or else he could not have been king of all Egypt ; such a long land was not conquered in a single reign. That Menes should have had a fully-grown hieroglyph system proves that some earlier kings used and wrote inscriptions. That the pre-lMenite kings of Lower Egypt are recorded — as agreed by all — on the Palermo stone, makes it most probable that pre-Menite kings of Upper Egypt should also be found, and indeed Dr. Sethe presumes that they were also on the same record. And as Menes went from Abydos to found Memphis, it is in the royal cemetery of Abydos that we should expect to find tombs of the pre-Menite kings. All of the presumptions of the case are in favour of finding tombs smaller and ruder than that of ^vlenes, in the royal cemetery, and belonging to the earlier kings. We have already seen that we must place Narmer into dynasty O, by all the evidences that we have. Dr. Sethe also agrees that king Ka may belong to this age. An explanation of the group of Ka monuments has been started, supposing that they are only belonging to a hat ha or temple of the ka of some other king. But the name usually has the hawk on the top exactly like a Horus name of the later kings. The writing of the hieroglyph under the panelling is equal to wTiting in the doorway of the panelling, as by Narmer on his slate ; it is seeing in at the door, instead of seeing over the wall, as was usual later on. And sometimes the Ka sign is written over the panelling, as on a jar {Abydos, i, III, 38). There is no reason then for treating this group of monuments differently to any others which have a king's name upon them. Moreover all of these examples of the name were found in a single tomb (except two scattered, one on either side of it) ; and this tomb is of smaller and ruder construction than those of Narmer and Mena. It does not stand in any structural relation to any other tomb ; and there is no reason shown whatever why this tomb is to be treated differently to those of all other kings. 282 Dec. 13] THE EARLY MONARCHY OF EGYPT. [1905. The rest of the inscriptions on the vases of Ka have been read as referring to the water of the south and north. But this reading is contradicted by the nature of the jars. These small cylindrical jars — the smallest kind placed in the royal tombs — were always used for ointment in all their descent through prehistoric times. Even when ointment failed they were filled with mud having a trace of ointment to scent them. To suppose that a regular form of jar always ritually used for ointment, and the smallest type in use, was appropriated for water, is contrary to all probability. There were plenty of great jars, the largest in the whole cemetery, in this tomb ; and we cannot then suppose the small ointment jars to be used for the very commonest offering. If any better sense can be made of the reading than that of " King Ap," and " Ha, wife of Ka," I shall be very glad to have it; but to assign small ointment jars for water is too improbable. The use of the jars however does not in the least aftect the actuality of king Ka. The objections raised to king Ro are that the true Horus-name is always found in a square, whereas on the sealing and jars there is no square, but only the hawk and Ro. But as Dr. Sethe has pointed out, even under the well developed system of Narmer the royal name twice appears without any square, on the slate palette and ivory cylinder from Hierakonpolis. There is then no objection left. And what are the physical facts ? There is a tomb like those of other kings, but not so large; and only in this tomb are found jars marked with the hawk and mouth {R.T., i, XLIV, 2-9). The tomb must belong to some great personage, and the only marks on all the jars in it are these. Fragments of a sealing were found scattered about, with just the same group of signs, and these prove that this was a personal name. There is no trace of reason for trying to read these unmistakeable hawks as the ur bird ; the forms of the beak as well as the body are exactly the same as the hawk bird elsewhere. We have then a tomb like other royal tombs, and the only name is "Horus Ro." We are bound to treat this the same as other Horus- names, and recognize a king Ro. Next we must look at the title nehui or nebtl v_v V_^. There is no doubt that this is the equivalent of the double lordship of the vulture and uraeus, as written in later times. But this form of writing is distinctly the earUer. It occurs five times connected with the sign sma, which in any case is associated with the name of Neit- hotep the queen of Mena. It is seen four times in the reign of Zer, 28.^ Y 2 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. once with the name Merneit, and once under the reign of Den. After that it is never found in the royal tombs ; and only one instance later is quoted, in an archaic pyramid-text copied in the tomb of Unas, which was doubtless a very ancient composition, and does not prove any limit of age. Now this nebii v^ v^ title is found with the name of Zeser^ which Dr. Sethe agrees is the name of a king. He refers it to King Zcser of the Ilird dynasty. Against that view is first the use of this title, which was common at the beginning of the 1st dynasty and extinct by the middle of that dynasty ; and secondly that there is no instance of the introduction of later offerings into any royal tomb here. The instance quoted of a piece of a bowl with the name of Perabsen found in the tomb of Merneit, is merely a case of an offering thrown out from the neighbouring tomb of Perabsen during: late destructions. There is no tomb of Zeser here, nor any as late as his time, in which objects of his might have been left. And in the tomb of Zeser at Beyt Khallaf there were no bowls or inscription-^ like this. There is thus no ground for any source of this object in the Ilird dynasty. "We must then obey the evidence of the early form of the title, and grant an earlier king Zeser as probable be.'"ore the 1st dynasty. Xarmer we have already dealt with above. Lastly there is the sign siua with the 'v_^ v_^ title. The alter- native meaning proposed for this is the title semaut nebti "united to the king,'' which was that used by early queens. But there are six objects with only these S:igns, and but one instance of a queen's name with it. Is it likely that when marking objects for a queen, only her title should be used? On the other hand this is precisely like the nebii zcser which Dr. Sethe agrees is in any case a king's name. The case is not certain, but the analogy is all in favour of this being the name of a king Sma, "the uniter," a most likely name to be taken v>hen the kingdom was in course of being united. We can but conclude then that in each case the balance ot" evidence is in favour of the reality of each of the kings' names, Ka,. Ro, Zeser, Narmer, and Sma ; and, above all, not a single fact has been proved against their existence. The case then stands thus : it is highly probable that the kings who reigned before Mena were buried at Abydos, and at the royal cemetery there : in that cemetery, at the earlier part of it, we find tombs ruder and smaller than those of the 1st dynasty kings : in those tombs are pottery and other objects earlier in style than the 1st dynasty : and in one tornb is 2 84 Dec. 13] THE EARLY MONARCHY OF EGYPT. [1005. only the name Ka, in another is only the name Ro, and scattered about these tombs are objects with the names of Zeser, Narmer, and vSma, all of them of styles as early as, or earlier than, Mena. Every evidence of style and locality agrees in pointing out these as the predecessors of Mena. Of later times the name of Kha-sekhem is placed by Dr. Sethe in the Ilird dynasty, on the ground that the group Besh is a personal name and in a cartouche ; and, as no cartouche is known till the beginning of the Ilird dynasty, this king cannot be earlier. But there is no evidence that this is a personal name, rather the contrary as it is the ring grasped in the vulture's claws. It is more likely connected with Beshet " to rebel," and refers to the rebels captured by the vulture in the war with the northeners which is named. y{Hitrako?ipoIis, xxxvii.) If so, there is no reason against ^his king belonging to the Ilnd dynasty, and presumably before Kha-sekhemui, .as the name is simpler than his. The name Kara is also rejected from being Khaires on the same ■ground, of the absence of a cartouche in the Ilnd dynasty. But the •choice lies between denying that Ka-ra is Khaires, and denying that Ave can be sure that a cartouche may not have been used two reigns 'before the time of Nebka. Too many criteria have been founded on •our ignorance of the exact limit of usages, and have failed entirely when we had more examples. So it seems more likely that the •cartouche was known a couple of reigns earlier than Dr. Sethe has yet found it, rather than reject so obvious a connection as Ka-ra and Khaires. It appears then that one or two cases may remain open awaiting fresh evidence ; but there is as yet not a single proof of error in the arrangement of kings which I put forward four years ago, and in only a case or two are we likely to be able to come to any different results. 285 Dec. 13] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGV. [1905* AN UNPUBLISHED SCENE FROM THE TOMB OF THY AT SAKKARA, REPRESENTING THE MANUFACTURE OF SEALS. Bv Percy E. Newberry. During a recent visit to Strassburg Professor Spiegelberg drew my attention to a very interesting unpublished scene in the tomb of Thy at Sakkara, representing a seal-maker at work : this had unfor- tunately entirely escaped my notice until after the final sheets of my book on Scarabs had been passed for the press. The scene shows two men, one standing and slightly stooping towards the other, who is seated on a small mat on the ground. The seated man holds in his left-hand a cylinder-seal, and in his right a tool with long handle, with which he appears to be piercing a hole through the length of the cylinder : above him is an inscription reading : — uz khetein a?i khetemy, "drilling a cylinder-seal by the seal-maker." 1 The standing figure has above it the legend "Theth-ta," perhaps the name of the man, and he carries in his left hand a cylinder-seal (?) and, as Professor Spiegelberg has suggested to me, a string for mounting it. Both men carry bags or pouches. I'he drawing published has been made from a plaster-cast in the Museum of the Institute of Egyptology at Strassburg. ^ In my book Scarabs, p. 40, I have noted that the seal engraver was called kesti, but in the Thy inscription the name is given as khetemy. The hieroglyph. s| kes I believe represents the graving tool. The determinative of the word uz, I (see plate) seems to Le a kind of boring tool: Griffith [Piahhetep I, p. 36) has already suggested that it may be some "special kind of cutting tool?.'' 2 8(S ^:^i^!i^>^^^fi^^^ TT c /V,v. Sor. £,/,l. Arrh., DcrrmLn , SCENE KROM THE TiiMB Ol- TIIV. SAKKAK. r~-\ Dec. 13] NOTE ON THE WORD KHETEMY. [1905. NOTE ON THE WORD KHETEMY, "A SEAL-MAKER." Bv Professor Spiegelberg. The word Q ij U klictcniy, "the seal-maker," is a formation ■with [1(1 y derived from Q khetcm, "a seal," as, for instance, in the scene on the right hand of this one in the tomb of Th\' X ^ [I inerhcty, "an oil maker," is derived from mei-het^ "oil" The well-known title X^ "sealer" is in all probability to be read khetcmty or khetennvty, and is a noiueii agentis of khefe/n " to seal" as Q-^^^ aJjazvfy, "fighter," "male" (^OOVX) is from aha, "fight." {Cf. Recucil, \o\. XVI, p. 192.) It probably means a man having the right to use a seal. From this one must, as Mr. Newberry has rightly conjectured {Scarabs, p. -XZ-: '"'ote 2), separate ^^ ^ khetem-t "a contract." From the above sense of khelcmty it seems to me very unlikely that this word is a derivative with y from khetme't " contract." Grammatically it would be possible, but the sense not being specially "contract sealer," but a "licensed sealer" in general, I think the above interpretation the most probable. The reading of the title ^^hA) tentatively proposed by Mr. Crum (^.Z, XXXII, p. 65) and myself (.4.Z, XXXVI, p. 145 and XXXVII, 'p. 86) must now be abandoned and be replaced by the reading kheiem(w)ty {htm{T.v)tJ). 287 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1905. CHRONOLOGY OF ASURBAXIPALS REIGX. B.C. 668-626. IV. Bv THK Rev. C. H. ^V. Johns, J/^. THE " FO:iEC\ST " TABLETS. In his History of Assurl>a/iipal, (i. Smith had already recognised the importance for history of certain "omen tablets." of which he gave extracts, Irom K 28, 159, 1360, 3161, etc. Since then the publication of the British Museum Catalogue of the Kouyunjik Collections has made known many mnre. In the Fifth Volume cf the Catalogue, p. 2016a, a list of 42 tablets is given, described as "Forecasts concerning the GIR, NA, SI, IS-KU, L1B-NIGIN~, and HAR, etc., and containing a date." This class was not collected with any great care, as some of the numbers entered in it belong to an entirely different sort of tablet from the majority. But it includes all those "omen tablets" noted by G. Smith, and a number of others of the same sort. Each of these documents, wiien complete, seems to have con- sisted of three parts, which I will t-^nn the Omens, the Enquiry, and the Colophon. In general idc-a they are very like the Gebete ati den Sonnengfltt, published l)y J)r. J. A. Knudtzon. The Omens appear to have been taken from the observations by an augur made for the most part upon the l-ver of a sheep, or possibly of some other animal. The ideograms given above, GIR, etc, are, in my opinion, all intended to denote parts of tliis liver, or of the attached intestines. The Omens were deduced from the relative position, or ''lie," of these organs or parts. As Professor Zimmern has shown in his Beitriige zur Kenntnis der bahylouischen Riligioii, p. 84, it was the far.ction of the ainclu HAL. the born, to perform this species of " hepatoscopic " augury. Dr. Knudtzon had already recognised the nature of these HAR omens as a sort of haruspicinni. Bciisier, in his Introduction 2S8 Dec. 13] CIIROXOLOGV OF ASURBANITAL'S REIGX. [1905. to tile second section o( h\s Doruf/ie/i/s assyriens 7-elatifs aux presages, and especially in his Note snr iiii mo/uiiiie/if, p. 12, had furlhtr recognised that the HAR was the " hver." It is also the case that Lenormant, in his Choix des tcxfes, had called his No. 88, "■ Aitgn?rs tires de rinspection du foie des ani/naiix.'' Many quite similar Omens will be found in Dr. Knudtzon's Gebete an den S/n/i3ngoff. A number of them are arranged in series on tablets, such as those published by Boissier, Documents, etc. The Stele of Nabonidus, published afresh by Messerschmidt, in No. I of the MittJieilungcn der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschajt, contains a number of precisely similar Omens, in Col. AT. These texts do not, as a rule, state what each omen portends ; they merely record the observed state of the liver, and perhaps of other entrails, examined. At the end of the omens the scribe sometimes enumerates "in all so many omens, TAK-MES." Hence this section merely states the omens on the significance of which an opinion is asked of the oracle. What answer was returned we do not know, probably. But in some cases /// tal>i/, " it is not good," or perhaps, "is it not good?" has been added. Whether that is the remark of the augur observing the omens, or of the priest to whom they were submitted, is not clear. It could also refer to the troubles stated. To what oracle they were addressed does not appear, any more than to what Sungod the Gebete published by Dr. Knudtzon were sent. The omens, like the Gebete, are usually written in Babylonian script, and may have been addressed to the Sungod in some temple in Babylonia (at Sippara ?) But the tablets were found in Nineveh. If they were addressed to a god whose temple was there situated, it is difficult to see why Babylonian script was used. It would be unlikely that they were sent from Babylonia. On the other hand, we can hardly sui)pose that such enquiries were sent to a temple which was in the power of the enemy, concerning whose movements and plans information was asked. \\'ithout a detailed study of this class of omen tablets it would be premature to attempt to establish a connection between the omens reported and the enquiries made. Doubtless the omens were supposed to guide the augur to a forecast of the outcome of the troubles, or anxieties, stated in the second section. But it is clear that the two sections are completely unrelated. It was not because of the inauspicious nature of the omens that the king was anxious, but because of the known facts, which caused his apprehension. 289 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF lilHLICAL AKCILEOLOG V. [1905. He registered the omens in the hope that they might contain, when properly interpreted, the answer to his question. They may therefore be quite safely left on one side, when our enquiry is simply what were the anxieties disturbing his mind at the time when he made his enquiry of the oracle. The second section stated the cause of his anxiety ; or, at any rate, implied it in the question which he asks of the oracle. These references to public affairs constitute the \alue of this class of documents for our enquiry. " The enquiry " is usually written by the same hand as the omens. There is no case where the reply is entered. Hence I conclude that these tablets are copies kept of the enquiry sent. As these were found at Nineveh, I conclude the enquiries were sent elsewhere. In the few cases where the script is Assyrian throughout I imagine the copy sent was written in Babylonian. But this is only conjecture. The third section, or " Colophon," contained the date, and the names of certain officials, clearly the augurs who observed the omens, and the place where these observations were taken. These ofiticials are sometimes said to be haru^ or rah hair. But more often they are described as hel ieiiii, cleaily "sources of the information." Whether these were the messengers sent to gi\e ihe information to the god, or, less likely, the sources of the news which caused the king's anxiet}', cannot be decided. But the fact that the same names often recur at intervals too short to allow- of their having visited the seat of action, renders it probable that the tami intended was the " Report " on the omens observed. For a determination of the date of the Eponyms by a comparison with the events known to have occurred at or before certain dates> we need only to register the gist of the second and third sections. We have seen from independent sources that Babylon was "straiily shut up" and severely pinched by famine from B.C. 650 to at least Aaru B.C. 648. Now^ it appears from these documents that as late as Sabatu in the Eponymy of Sagab, Asurl-anipal was still in uncertainty as to whether Samas-sum-ukin had fled, or would flee, to Elam. At that date then the city could not have been .securely invested. The pinch of famine could hardly be acute while there was still a chance of flight to Elam. This circumstance alone might not be deemed sufficient to date Sagab as Eponym for B.C. 651 ; but we shall see that it is almost impossible to place him earlier. It is, however, in the series of events which these tablets assign to 290 Dec. 13] CHRONOLOGY OF ASURBANIPAL'S REIGX. [1905. the Eponymy of Sagab that the full force of the conclusion lies^ We had best therefore set out in order, month by month, the references which they give. Events in the Eponvaiv of Sagabbu. — On the 4th of Nisanu Asur-danin-sarri and Dannjii, as bcl tani, report that auguries have been taken in the New Palace. The king's cause of anxiety is that Nabii-bel-sumate, the Sealander, not keeping his fealty to Asur- banipal, has rebelled. Asurbanipal too hears that "the bow," i.e., the bowmen, have assembled in Elam, and come to fight with the soldiers, the army of Asurbanipal, whether these be Assyrians or Akkadians, Kaldai or Ahlami, who have submitted to Asurbanipal. They are about to wage war, slaughter and battle. " It is not good."" Asurbanipal enquires therefore " whether in Elam or in his own land, the Sealand, he will stand, or whether in fear he will submit. So relates K. 159, published in G. Smith's History of Assurbanipal, p. 182 ; S. A. Smith, Keiliiischrifttexte Asurbanipals II T, p. 80 f.. The war has begun. Asurbanipal is already in possession of Akkad ; the south of Babylonia and Elam have taken up arms for Samas-sum- ukin. \\'hether the Kaldai are in rebellion yet, or are assumed to- be faithful and so threatened by Elam, is not quite clear ; probably they were threatened, but as yet faithful. On the 26th of Aaru, Marduk-sum-usur, Dannai, and Sin-sar-ibni,. as bel tani, send a report of auguries taken; see K. 102, published by Boissier, Documents Assyrie/is relatifs aiix presages, I, p. 47/^ Here the king's anxiety seems to be about his own health. Can it be that the cause of the rebellion, or rather its excuse, and the explanation of Asurbanipal's long hesitation to deal with it, were really due to his own weak health ? In Abu, a rab BI-LUL, a malmasii, ]Marduk-sum-usur, Dannai^ and perhaps another, send a report of auguries taken at Arbela. The cause of the enquiry, however, does not appear. The section which contained the information, as well as the day of the month,, is not preserved on this tablet, K. 396. On the 8th of Abu, Dannai, as bcl fei?ii, sends a report of auguries. The king enquires whether, during the next month, from the 8th of this month Abu to the 7th of Ululu, the Elamite forces will assem.ble and collect and join battle with the forces of Asurbanipal. See K. 1360, G. Smith's History of Assurba/iipal, p. 185. It seems. likely, therefore, that up to this date Asurbani}\al had not yet fought with Elam in this war. De:-. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCILLOLOGV. [1905. On the nth of Tesrilu, Asur-danin-sarri reports omens taken in the New Palace. The present cause of anxiety is not clear, K. 3791. On tlie 15th of tlie same month Dari-sarri and Dannai, as bcl tcmi, send word that they pray the great gods daily to send counsels to the king. Asurbanipal had consulted the oracle about Samas-sum-ukin, aim la kaiu, "his faithless brother, who has dis- turbed," idallaint, and done some great wrong. His anxiety seems to be whether Samas-sum-ukin has fled to Elam. See K. 4, published by G. S\x\\{h,IIiston^ 0/ Assierba/iifa/, p. 186 : S. A. Smith, Keihchrift- texfe Asin-bauipars, III, p. 77 /! On the 17th of Arahsamna, Asur-ddnin-sarri and another probably, as bH tani, send a report of auguries taken in the Bit Ridute. I'he enquiry now is whether " on this date, when the forces of Asurbanipal come against Samas sum-ukin, the affair shall jirosper in their hands?" See K. 3161, publi>hed by G. Smith, Histoiy of Assiir- Imnipal^ p. 188. Clearly this was the expected date of the first battle with Samas-sum-ukin. In Tebetu (day lost), on 82-5-22, 27, a similar report was sent, but the events cannot now be made out. On the 27th of this month, on K. 1423, Danrai and Zizi, as bcl femi\ sent ano.her rtport of the same class, but the events are not recorded. On the 4th of Sabatu Marduk-sum-usur sent the report 81-7-27, 136. On the same day Dannai, as bel (aiii, sends another report, see 82-5-22, 86. In neither case are the events clear. On the nth of Sabatu Bel-usal.im and Bania send the report K. 303. Samas-killani, the sakdii, seems to have performed the augury. Only part of each line, relating to the enquiry, is preserved. It was apparently, "has Samas-sum-ukin, sa Babili gone out, has he fled?" Whether he was called '"king of Babylon," or whether he was thought to have gone out of " the palace of Babylon," is not clear. The important point is that it was still possible for him to flee. I'he enquiry may be, " will he flee ? " On the T6th of Saljatu Dannai sends another rc] ort, K. 392, naming Sin-tabni-usur, probably the son of Nikkal-iddina, who was the subject of enquiry on K. 28, published by G. Smith, History of Assurbauipal, p. 185. There, in Du'uzu, the day is not preserved, Sin-tabni-u.sur seems to have gone over to Samas-sum-ukin's side. So also on K. 4696, a similar report, quoted by G. Smith, p. 184, shows that on the nth of Abu, Sin-tabni-usur, son of Xikkal-iddina, 292 Dec. 13] CHRONOLOGY OF ASURBANIPAL'S REIGN. [1905, who had been set over Ur, had sympathised with Samas-sum-ukin_ G. Smith completes the date as in this Eponyni)'. It so, the notice on K. 28 also refers to this year, and K. 321 perhaps refers to ai battle with him. That would probably indicate that AsurbanipaKs army had completely hemmed Sainas-sum-ukin in within the walls of Babylon, and a portion of the forces was able to penetrate as far south as Ur. Tliere are a few other similar reports dated in this Eponvmy which do not preserve the month. The most important is Bu. 91-5-9, 208, sent by an augur whose name ended in -/////■/. Samas-sum- ukin was still alive. The petition is that " the soldiers, horses, and' forces of Asurbanipal, lisriinmii, likpiihi, etc.," following the formula of the petitions in Knudtzon, G.A.S., p. 75, etc. A luadaktu is named, seemingly situated at Bab-same. The question is asked "wdiether they shall engage in battle with the forces of Samas-sum- ukin, and what shall be the result.'' The king seems also to have asked ardu ? " shall I go down ? " Perhaps up to that date Asurbanipal had not been actually present with the army. On K. 93 is a list of slaves., or perhaps refugees, in lines i2ywe find two people from Bab-same named, and in line 23 a woman, wife or perhaps widow, of Iddua, a ral? bdnfiti of Bah-same. These are reckoned as among thirteen Baby- lonians. Thus Bab-same was in or near Babylon. From the above we gather that it was the place where Samas-sum-ukin made his final' stand against the army of his brother. Iv. 93 probably shows the result of that battle ; the Assyrians took these people captive, after defeating Samas-sum-ukin. K. 93 is published by S. A. Smith,, Miscellaueons Texts, j). 15. K. 375 is a report of this class from Dannai as hcl tcmi. K. 3S5 is from JS'inuai, 7-ab bare and bci (an/. The auguries were taken in the Bit Ridute. K. 401 was from a rab bare and bcl temi taken in the New Palace. K. 161 1 preserves no name. 83-1-18, 759 is also- from Niniiai, the 7-ab bare and bei /tv///, taken in the Bit Ridute. None of these register the events whicJi called them forth. No doubt when the complete set of these tablets is published many "joins" will result and the events become much clearer. Now this sort of report was still being sent in the Eponymy of Bel-Harran-sadua. But there is no later mention of Samas-sum-ukin. For a good reason. Fie was clearly shut up in Babylon. The Assvrian army had invested the city and finally they starved it out. The siege might last for year.s, but Samas-sum-ukin could cause no further 293 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.IiOLOGY. [1905. anxiety. On the 5th of Aaru, in the Eponymy of Bel-Harran-5adua, Asurbanipal sent his proclamation to the Sealanders, announcing the ■appointment of BeHbni to rule over them. Nabu-bel-sumate had fled to Elam. The rebellion in the South was at an end. This agrees with the view that already in Sabatu, in the Eponymy of Sagabbu, Sin-tabni-usur was driven out of Ur, Now let us place the Eponymy of Belsunu in B.C. 648. This necessitates placing Sagabbu in B.C. 651. All the indications of date fall into place easily. In Arahsamna, b.c. 651, the first great battle was fought, Samas-sum-ukin was defeated, and took refuge in Babylon. Whether or not this was the battle of Bab-same, is still uncertain. But there at any rate the forces of the rebel brother were defeated. Time and again a defeated king of Babylon had retreated after his defeat, and so escaped vengeance. This was still possible till the nth of Sabatu, early in February, B.C. 650. Soon after, the chain of encircling posts was closed and the siege began. By the 13th of Arahsamna the people of Babylon had stood a nine months' siege, and the inhabitants used the language of extreme distress. But it lasted the whole of B.C. 650. For in Du'uzu, and Tebetu of the next year the same distress prevailed. Babylon must have been well provisioned to have lasted so long. In Aaru, B.C. 648, an extremity was reached that could not possibly last much longer. It seems that two months later a cylinder could be finished in Assyria without reference to the capture. But this may have been commenced directly after its duplicate, dated in Du'uzu and so nearly completed before the news arrived that it was impossible to alter the text. This very fact may well account for these broken cylinders not having been found buried in their niches. They were rendered obsolete by the march of events, stored in the library, and utilised to serve as drafts for fuller copies. Those fuller copies exactly repeated many phrases, word for word. On a review of the evidence, it seems impossible that Sagabbu should be as late as B.C. 650, for the state of siege known to exist in Arahsamna that year would then be inconsistent with the possibility of escape from the city as late as Sabatu in the Eponymy of Sagab. We cannot place him before B.C. 651 without displacing either Mannu-ki-sarri or Sarru-lu-dari, whose presence there is demanded by the connected nature of Oroup III. Consequently there can be 294 Dec. 13] CHRONOLOGY OF ASuRBAXIPAL'S REIGN. [1905. little doubt that Sagabbu was the Eponym of b.c. 651. This fixes all the Eponyms of Group III from B.C. 658 to B.C. 649. Consequently we know exactly all the Eponyms down to B.C. 649, the only uncertainty left being whether ]Mannu-ki-sarri precedes or follows Sarru-lu-dari. The first Eponym of Group III follows immediately after the last Eponym of 'Groups I and II. This is borne out by a careful examination of the traces on K. 4389A above Sa-Nabu-su. While they are not distinct enough to suggest a name, they correspond exactly with the traces which Avould be left by Silim-Asur. This is the arrangement which Professor C. P. Tiele, Babylonisch- Assyrisihe Geschic/ite, p. 389, has already proposed. But his argument depended upon conclusions drawn from the restored last column of Cylinder B, which seemed to necessitate placing Bel-sunu in b.c 648. We do not yet know what were the contents of that column. But assuming that the duplicates of Cylinder B were practically identical as regards the contents of that last column, we can restore it, as is done in III R. Dr. Winckler has subjected the cylinder inscriptions of Asurbanipal to a critical examination, so far as it is possible to do without taking the cylinders out of the show cases. This he set out in his Sammlung von Keilschrifttexien. We must, however, await the promised critical edition of these cylinders by the Museum authorities before we can estimate Tide's argument at its true worth. If cogent, it adds an element of security to our results, but they are strong enough without it. We now note that K. 4773 (A.D.D. No. 927) necessitates our placing Nabu-sar-ahesu six years after Sagabbu. There we read, Col. II, lines 5-7, irbu sa limine Sagah adi linime Nabu-sar-ahesu, sa VI sanale, "income from the Eponymy of Sagab to the Eponymy of Nabu-sar-ahesu, of six years." The only question which can arise here is whether the six years include one or both of the two named Eponymies, that is, whether we are to place four or five names between them. Apart from the usages of the Assyrian scribes, the number of claimants for the places vacant seems decisive for five intermediate Eponyms. Of these we know the first two from Group II. Independently of Tide's arguments above, Bel-sunu must, as his name list shows, precede Nabu-sar-ahesu. There is not room then for either Group IV or V. Allowing weight to Tide's arguments, until certainty on the point can be obtained, we 295 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIIJLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1905. place Bel-sunu in r,.c. 648, and now have two vacant places to fill, ij.c. 647 and E.c. 645. The arguments for the provisional filling up of these places will be given later. For later years we depend upon the affinities of the name lists, linking together groups and gradually filling up a list which cannot be far displaced, on account of the necessity that lies upon us not to overjxiss the limits of Asurbanipal's reign. >A)6 Dec. 13] MAGIC IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. THE MAGIC IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. By F. Legge. Part II. Since the appearance, in the Proceedings of May last, of the paper on these objects, I have been successful in obtaining com- munication of three others, all bearing inscriptions, and all of some importance. It seems it would be for the convenience of other scholars that these should be published at once, without waiting — as I should otherwise have preferred to do — until the collection is complete. I therefore give an account of them as nearly as possible on the lines of the former paper. Desc7'ipiion of the Plates} Plate I. No. 46. This beautiful wand comes from the collection of Mr. G. M. Hood, of Nettleham Hall, Lincoln, who has kindly allowed me to have it photographed. No record of its provenance appears to have been kept. The series of figures on its obverse differs some- what from most of those given in my former paper, in the fact that it does not represent, as do the others, a procession from one end of the wand to the other, some of the figures being turned about so as to face the rest. Starting from the blunt end or base of the tusk, we have first the utchat or mystic eye common on these wands, and then a great uraeus or cobra with distended hood and undulated body facing outwards. Then comes what I have before called the Anubis-term, with the wig or tress of hair curled round the post, and more distinctly shown than in other cases. The head of this 1 The Nos. follow on from those attached to the figures in my former paper. 297 z Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. term faces inwards or towards the other extremity of the wand, as do the two figures which follow. These are a hippopotamus' head in a square frame with a smaller square in the corner like that appearing in the ideograph of Hathor. If we may interpret this by analogy with the latter sign, it might be taken as " the house of the hippopotamus," whether Isis, Ta-urt, Ririt, or some other goddess is represented by this last. Immediately below this is to be seen the hind quarters of an animal which, from the spiral curls of its tail and the cat-like bend of the hind-leg, should be a feline, and is prob- ably the snake-necked panther so often found both on these wands and on the carved slates. At this point the wand is unfortunately broken, a fragment of i to 2 inches in length being evidently missing. The remainder of the wand shows the head and arm of a human figure lying on its back, the head being that of a bearded man maintained in a painful position by a lion upright on his hind- legs, who grasps the hair of the victim in his left paw. Above him can be seen a curved line, which seems to show that some person or animal was represented on the missing fragment as bending over the supine man. On comparing this with the obverse of the wand from the Louvre, which appears on Fig. 8 (PL VI) in my former paper, it will, I think, appear probable that this was a reproduction of the scene there enacted, where the hippopotamus with the crocodile on her back is shown as breathing into the mouth of a prisoner. Behind and following the lion comes the hawk- headed and winged feline that I have before called the chiniaera, but this time without the human head between the wings. Then appears the Anubis-term with a knife at its foot, and a seated, and perhaps mummified body, bearing the head of a long-eared animal, who is either the ass or the conventional form of the Set animal, while the pointed end of the wand closes the series with another utchat. The arrangement of the figures leads to the conjec- ture that those relegated to the ends of the wand are merely acces- sory to the principal scene which occupies the centre. This would appear to be the case also with the Louvre wand, where the group of hippopotamus and prisoner also forms the centre of the composi- tion. The collocation of utchat, snake-necked panther, and jackal- headed term is also common to both, as is the square frame, if we are prepared to assume that the one of which the remains can still be seen on the Louvre wand once contained a hippopotamus' head. To the meaning to be attached to this I will return later. 208 PLATE I.. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1 905. Dec. 13] MAGIC IVORIES OF THP: MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. The reverse of the wand, which helps us to determine the size of the missing fragment, bears the following inscription :— "The many protectors say: we have come, we afford protection for life around the Lady of the house Mer-senb-s." Then comes the break in the ivory, and then, written the reverse way to the foregoing, the same formula with but slight variation :— -<2>- "[The many protectors say:] we have come, we afford protection for life around the Lady of the house Mer-senb-[s], daughter of Nub-n-ab." These " vain repetitions " are extremely characteristic of the work of Egyptian magicians, who in all ages seem to have been nervously anxious lest they should accidentally omit any part of spells which doubtless conveyed very little meaning to either their writers or readers, and who therefore repeated them backwards, forwards, and even anagrammatically to make sure that they had preserved the essential syllables and letters. The carving on the wand is an excellent example of the best Xllth Dynasty work, the figures and hieroglyphs being as sharp as when first cut. In this also it is worth comparison with the Louvre wand, which is perhaps the best and most finished of all those given in my former paper. Plate IL No. 47. This is from the Edwards Collection at University College, London, and I owe the sketch here reproduced to the kindness of Miss Murray, who had taken it as an illustration of a paper she is shortly to read to the Society. As the other wands were pub- lished by me, she has very kindly consented that this should also be included in the present paper, although T hope to supple- ment it later by a photograph. The obverse shows at its broader 299 Dec 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1905. end a figure which is almost certainly intended for the god Bes in his usual full-face attitude, and the remains of a curved line extending upward from his right hand, seerns to indicate that he was here depicted in his usual occupation of strangling snakes. Next there comes a lion upright on his hind legs, holding by his left arm a human figure whose neck he appears to be biting. The head of the man has apparently been bitten or cut off, and is depicted in front of him. Following on this comes another full-faced figure, which may be another representation of the god Bes, traces of the lion's mask being visible above the head. This figure also appears to have held a snake in each hand, and is followed by a tremendous iiraeus whose body appears in six waves. From the crest of the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th of these undulations rises a human head with what appears to be a iiraeiis on the forehead and a pendant wig. Without being an exact replica of any of them^ this serpent reminds one much of Djas-ho, son of Sokaris and the other monstrous serpents found in the Book of the Underworld. On the reverse can be seen, nearly effaced, the figure of the god Bes, holding a serpent in each hand, the tail of the lion's skin that covers him being still to be seen between the legs. Then comes a vertical column of hieroglyphs, much effaced in the sketch, from which can be made out with certainty only a few signs, the first of which are thrown over into the succeeding panel : — (If "^ ^J , , , Y ^smm^ "... Say : we bring [protection ?] " In the succeeding panel is the scene, that also appears on the obverse, of a lion on his hind-legs holding by the left arm and gnawing the shoulder of a human figure in a kilt, the head being detached from the body, and, at a little distance above it, there follows another column of hieroglyphs : — I "[ ?] for the lady of the house Pert. May thy name turn back ..." 300 PLATE II Proc. Sot. Bibl. Anh., Dec, 1905. Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1905. M. Maspero (cf. F.S.B.A., Vol. XXVII, 139, n. 32) writes it, Shodou, the tortoise or turtle which follows on the wand, and which is, as mentioned in the note referred to, a constellation figure. Then follow the signs <2>-, , and another one which looks like W. , but is omitted the next time the word is repeated. This name or word should read Ar, and should be by analogy the name of the animal which follows, which is usually written (J n hA or Apet, but is here probably to be read Arret, a manifest variant of Jxirit. These signs are followed by the hippopotamus-goddess, with cither the crocodile or an unusually large and distinct tress of hair on her back. Then come the signs P 1 ^^\ , reading apparently hese?>i, an anagram or palindrome of makes, "le lion fascinateur," while the wand here breaks off with the figure of a lion upright gnawing a snake. When it resumes, we have first the crocodile with curved tail that we have seen on many of the other wands, then the hippopotamus gnawing a snake and preceded by the signs -<2>-, <::z::>, this time clearly reading Ar. Then come the signs 9,1, and then, much effaced, the figure of a lion upright, with, behind him, the sign fi just visible. Generally it may be said that these signs on the obverse, although intelligible, have been badly blundered. The reverse of the wand, reading from tip to base, bears the following inscription : — n " Say : Cut off the head of the enemy and the other fragment : — [< ^lili "Who invades the house of the children born of the lady . . . ." The execution of this wand also is poor, and the signs are cut without much attention to proportion or accuracy. 302 PLATE III. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1905. /^>V*^^^-V^ 'j(«^ H i^-^ \ /' No. 48. OBVERSE. Ivory Wand in the Collection of the Rev. W. MacGregor. {From a photograph.) PLATE IV, Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., Dec, 1905. tt :-'m No. 48*. REVERSE. Ivory Wand in the Collection of the Rev. W. MacGregor. {From a fhotograpli.) Dec. 13] MAGIC IVORIES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. [1905. TIu Meaning of the Figures. If the reader agrees with my conjecture as to the missing part of No. 46, he will, I think, also agree that the principal scene depicted on this, on No. 47, and on the Louvre fragment, Fig. 8, is a prisoner suffering violence at the hands — or rather the teeth — of, in two cases, a lion, and in the third a hippopotamus. Nos. 8 and 46 also, as we have noticed, have above this the square frame containing the hippopotamus' head, and this may possibly be construed as meaning that the scene is supposed to take place within "the house of Ririt" or Isis. Whether "the enemy" here shown in process of decapitation is the same as "the enemy" mentioned in the inscription on No. 48*, there is no means at present of deciding, but the idea is worth bearing in mind. It is still possible that the "enemy" may be merely a figurative way of referring to poisonous snakes in general, as a phylactery against which, I have before said, most of the wands described earlier seem to have been made. As the representatives of Apep, the great serpent of darkness, they were, of course, the enemies of the Sun-god Ra, and therefore in even the Xllth Dynasty of all the gods of the Osirian cycle, including Ra's special ally and great magician Isis. But the beards of the victims on Nos. 8 and 46, and the flat cap of No. 8, seem to point to a less symbolic and more actual enemy, such as the Bedouin or Semites, who must then have been beginning to make raids into Egypt. Doubtless the magicians who made these wands for sale were willing to guarantee their power as a protection against one danger as well as another. But before going further into this subject I propose to wait until I have in my hands some further examples which I hope to publish shortly. 303 Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF 15IHL1CAL ARCH.*:OLOGY. [1905. The Anniversary Meeting of the Societ\' will be held on Wednesday, January loth, 1906, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will be read : — Miss M. A. Murray : " The Astrological character of the Egyptian Magic Wands." 304 INDEX. Akh-Asut, the ancient name of the temple of Neb-hapet-Ra Alphabet, the order of the letters of... ,, the original letters, simple geometric combinations ,, the North Semitic, consists of 22 characters Amenemhat, surnamed Sururi, his name on a vase Amenemhat III, his prenomen on a steatite bead ... Amenhetep I, figure of, found in temple of Neb-hapet-Ra Amen-mes, scribe, his name in a hieratic inscription from Medfim Anshar, not a real primitive name ... Aramaic papyrus from Elephantine, a note on ... ... Aran, the country of, in a Hittite inscription Asshur, the god, and the Epic of " Marduk and Tiamat " Asshur, City, the original shrine of the god Asshur Assyrian contract tablets, early, from Cappadocia, date from the Khammurabi dynasty Asurbanipal's reign, chronology of (III) (IV) Au, the Assyrian god ... Vol. Page. XXVII. 174 XXVII. 65 XXVII. 65 XXVII. 66 XXVII. 104 XXVII. 104 XXVII. 1S2 XXVII. 103 XXVII. 8 XXVII. 187 XXVII. 31 XXVII. 7 XXVII. II XXVII. II XXVII. 92 XXVII, 2S8 XXVII. III B. Bagdad, inscribed stone bowl from ... Earra-nam-tarra, wife of Lugal-anda Bel replaced by Marduk by the Babylonians Bible, some unconventional views on the text of the (VI) .. XXVII. 192 .. XXVII. 70 ... XXVII. 9 XXVII. 267 c. Carchemish, inscribed monuments from, in B.M. ... ... XXVII. 201, 204, 236 Catholic Church, a use of the term ... ... ... ... ... XXVII. 166 Coffins, wooden models of, from tombs of Kauit and Kemsit ... XXVII. 1S2 Coptic recipe for the preparation of Parchment ... ... ... XXVII. 166 Cow, alabaster head of, XVIIIth dynasty, from temple of Neb- hapet-Ra XXVII. 183 2 A 3o6 SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. Vol. Page. D. Deir el-Bahari, the Xlth dynasty temple at XXVII. 173 '• Divine Father," a general title for members of a college of priests XXVII. 38 " Edwards " collection, ivoiy wand in the ... ... ... ... XXVII. 299 Egypt, the early monarchy of ... ... ... ... ... XXVII. 279 Enclosure -wall, the double, round the ancient town of El-Kab, of the date of King Samou... ... ... ... ... ... XXVII. no Erment, the temple of, in 1S50 XXVII. 100 Extracts from my Note-book (VIII) XXVII. loi Fish offerings, referred to on tablets ... ... XXVII. 71 G. Gebel abii Gorah, inscriptions from ... ... XXVII. 129 H. Hathor, shrines and tombs of priestesses of, in temple of Neb- hapet-Ra ... Hero, the, of the Papyrus d'Orbiney HimyariLic inscription from Jabal Jehaf ,, objects from the Lower Vafi Valley Hittite characters, additions to list of ,, ,, corrections „ ,, inscriptions, discovery of archaic, in Asia Minor ,, ,, translated and annotated ,, seal, a gold ,, ,, silver ... ,, seals, impressions of ... ,, ,, in the Ashmolean Museum , , vocabulary !g!odea Ha'abib, the, identified with the Epiphi of the Egyptian Nature-year Hood, G. M., ivory wand in the collection of XXVII 180 XXVII IS5 XXVII 153 XXVII 184 XXVII 249 XXVII 245 XXVII 21,43 XXVII 191 XXVII 253 XXVII 253 XXVII 254 XXVII 46 XXVII 234 XXVII 255 XXVII 297 INDEX. I. Vol. Page. XXVII. 148 XXVII. 149 XXVII. 151 XXVII. 152 Ivories, magic, of the Middle Empire ... ... ... ... XXVII. ,, depict the march of the sun, either across the sky or through the underworld .. . ... ... ... ... XXVII. ,, Bes, figures of, found in the " Birth chamber " of all Egyptian temples, wherein the birth of some form of Sun-god was depicted ... ... ... ... ... XXVII. ,, Heqet, figures of, found in the "Birth chamber" of Egyptian temples... ,, Hippopotamus goddess found on all these wands... ,, intended for magical protection ,, date from Xllth to XlVth dynasties K. Art names, various forms of enclosure of Kabbalistic charm, a ... Kaky, an offering-dish of Kas, the country of, in a Hittite inscription Kauit, sarcophagus of, from temple of Neb-hapet-Ra Kemsit, sarcophagus of, from temple of Neb-hapet-Ra Khaldians, the people of Ararat Khalma, the name at Carchemish of the mother goddess... Khattu, the god, in a Hittite inscription Kha^, inscribed slab from his tomb ... ,, vezir of both Memphis and Thebes ... Khetem^ ^ Q 00, a "seal maker," note on the word ... Kirsh-oghlu, inscribed statue from ... Kishar, not a real primitive name i;;o 148 148 XXVII. 2S0 XXVII. 260 XXVII. 34 XXVII. 31 XXVII. 182 XXVII. 182 XXVII. 44 XXVal. 43 XXVII. 30 XXVII. lOI XXVII. lOI XXVII. 287 XXVII. 197 XXVII. 5 Lakhama, not a real primitive name .. Lakhma, not a real primitive name ... Lugal-anda, tablets of... Lydian and Karian inscriptions in Egypt .. M. MacGregor, ivory wand in the collection of Magic Ivories of the ^Middle Empire Mames, Hittite inscription of XXVII. 8 XXVII. 8 XXVII. 70 XXVII. 123 ... XXVII. 301 ... XXVII. 130 ,.. XXVII. 22, 23 3o8 SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. Marduk replaced by Anshar, by the Assyrians Mediim, hieratic inscriptions in the pyramid of Menorah or " candlestick " type of charm ... IMentuhetep, statuette of a/^ij-Z-XIIth dynasty king so-named ]\Ier (a p\ramid-tomb), tomb of IMentuhetep III so described in the "Abbott" Papyius Mer-en-Ra, his prenomen on a steatite object Mertisen, the probable architect of temple of Neb-hapet-Ril Mer^-neb-es, Queen ... Meskhenet, a form of Heqet and Nekhebit... Min-ankh, the tomb of Monarchy, the early, of Egypt Mummy Labels, Greek, in the British Museum ... XXVII. 13, sometimes merely Memorials usually Identification tickets mostly come from Akhmim... are always of Imperial times one of the latest is dated "year i of Macrianus and Quietus " (a. D. 260) . Christian Demotic inscriptions on Greek inscriptions on giving the cause of death giving directions for disposal of the body ... Names on— Ampolos (see Apollos) (68) Antin[oos] (see Paloni and Pasidn) (44) Antinoos (see Pasion) (45) Apollon (63) ApoUonios (62) ... Apoll5s (12) Apollos the younger (68) Apeios (21) Arsenios (i) Artemis (j(?j ,, shrines and tombs of priestesses of Hathor in j> ,, sarcophagi of Kauit and Kemsit from )> 5, repaired by Kameses II and Siptah Neb-mchj', her name on a statuette uf her son User-mentu Nebt-ant, princess, her name on a vase XXVII. 279 XXVII. 173 XXVII. 175 XXVII. 178 XXVII. iSo XXV 11, 182 XXVII. 183 XXVII, 103 XXVII. 102 INDEX. 3^3 Nebu, his name on a stele ,, list of his descendants ... Nefer-ankh-Ra, red jasper plaque of Nefer-ked, tomb of Vol. Page. XXVII. 34 XXVII. 34 XXVII. 104 XXVII. 34 Nina, the goddess, her name the same as that of the Babylonian city 01 Nina XXVII. 71 ,, and Nineveh XXVII. 69 >. ., note on XXVII. 155 O. Obituary notices — Mocatta, F. D., /'..S'.// XXVII. i Major-General Sir C. W. Wilson, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., Sec. XXVII. 189 Thomas Christy, Esq., /^Z. 6'. XXVII. 265 Officials of IVth to Vlth dynasties XXVII. 32 Parchment, a Coptic recipe for preparing ... Pepy, the nomen of, on a steatite object Petisis, his name in an inscription at Dandur .. XXVII. 166 .. XXVII. 104 .. XXVII. 87 Sagsaga, wife of Uru-ka-gina Sahidic Biblical Fragments in the Bodleian Librar\' Samas-sum-ukin, the accession of ,, date of his death ... Samou or Seshemou fl'S--^ the king, and the en- closures of El-Kab Seal-cylinder, with Cypriote inscription Seal-maker at work, in a scene in the temple of Thy' Seals, Hittite, impressions of ,, ,, silver and gold Se (or Sawe), the king of Sedemu, the tomb of ... ... ... ... ... Sekhem-se-uaz-taui-Ra, his name on a bead Sekert, scribe, his name in a hieratic inscription from Medum Ser-nefer, the tomb of... XXVII. 70 XXVII. 57 XXVII. 94 XXVII. 97 ... XXVII. 106 ... XXVII. 254 .. XXVII. 2S6 .. XXVII. 254 .. XXV 1 1. 253 .. XXVII. 30 .. XXVII. 32 .. XXVII. 104 .. XXVII. 103 .. XXVII. 32 2 1! 314 SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHi«OLOGY. Shai (/'a-5a«), the god of Fate or Destiny Shepses-ka-f, cartouche of Signet-ring, an Egyptian gold Smith, Mr. Harding, description of a tablet belonging to " Standard " name in a cartouche, peculiarity of Stela with bas-relief, of the Syrian Iladad, from Babylon " Stobart Stele," the ,, proposed correction of part of text of ... Stone bowl from Bagdad, Hittite inscription on ... Vol. Page. XXVII. «7 XXVII. 33 XXVII. 31 XXVII. 76 XXVII. 106 XXVII. 211 XXVII. 106 XXVII. 108 XXVII. 192 Termanin, the site of ... Tela, an official of Queen Sen-senb ; pyramidion of Thy, scene from the tomb of, at Sakkarah ... Tripe, a goddess worshipped at Triphion XXVII. 45 XXVII. 102 XXVII. 2S6 XXVII. 90 u. Uan-na, the god, in a Hittite inscription ... Uru-ka-gina, tablets of User-mentu, Vezir, statuette of Usertesen I, his name on an amethyst lion ... ,, III, granite statues of, from temple of Ne-hapet-Ra XXVII. 30 XXVII. 70 XXVII. 103 XXVII. 104 XXVII. 183 w. Woods and Spices, lists of some aromatic XXVII. Y. Yerhararau, his name on a signet-ring XXVII. 38 Za-en, queen of Sebekhetep III, her name on a vase XXVII. 102 LIST OF AUTHORS. 315 LIST OF AUTHORS Crum, W. E Dennis, J. T. Gardiner, A. H. ... Griffith, F. LI., ALA., F.S.A. Hall, H. R., il/.^ Howorth, Sir H. H., K.C.I.E., Johns, Rev. C. H. W., M.A. .. Legge, F Legrain, G. Mahler, Prof. Dr. E Nash, W. L., /■.^-..-Z Newberry, Percy E. Petrie, Prof. W. M. F., F./^.S., Pilcher, E. J Pinches, T. G., LL.D Sayce, Prof. A. H., D.I). Scott-Moncrieff, P., i9.^. Spiegelberg, Prof. Winstedt, E. O Yule, G. U., A\£ F.y^'.S. 13. 4S, 83 115: 35' 92. 21, 43 100, PAGE. 166 32 ... 185 ... 38 159, 173 ...7, 267 187, 2S8 130, 297 106, 129 ••• 255 ... 184 lOI, 286 ... 279 65. 155 ... 69 123, 191 260 287 57 ••■ 153